SALA DE PINTURA
PAINTING HALL

THE BROTHERS VAN EYCK

by

P. G. KONODY & J. CYRIL M. WEALE

Hubert, 1365 (?)-1426 John, 1385 (?)—1441

With an Introduction to the Gothic Age by

Sir Martin Conway

 

THE GOTHIC AGE

TOWARD the close of the fourteenth century the art of the Low Countries, and that of France and the Rhineland also, were still essentially branches of the great mediaeval Gothic School, though a new life had entered into them and that new life was to change the face of civilization. But the Renaissance, if already heralded, had not yet dawned in the North. No one there was consciously looking back to the achievements of classical days and endeavouring to imitate and revive them. That was to happen, was indeed already beginning to happen, in Italy, but for another hundred years or more the North went its own way and pursued its own traditions and ideals whithersoever they happened to lead. We cannot, therefore, profitably launch forth on the stream of artistic production in the time of the Van Eycks without making ourselves to some degree acquainted with its upper reaches in the great realm of Gothic achievement. It is true that nowadays an author may assume in his readers a much larger acquaintance with the works of mediaeval art than was possible even thirty years ago. Travel has familiarized most intelligent persons, even in England, with the great cathedrals of France and the churches and palaces of Italy. The history of that romantic period is likewise more widely known than of yore. Such outstanding characters as St. Francis of Assisi are men of flesh and blood to many more than could have realized them a generation ago. It will suffice, therefore, in the first instance to quicken the reader's memory rather than to attempt his instruction.

Notwithstanding all the knowledge of records, literature, and art of the mediaeval age, centrally represented by the thirteenth century, it remains, and always must remain, difficult for a modern man to enter into and feel at home in that age. Read, for instance, Mr. Coulton's notable work, From St. Francis to Dante, with its wealth of first-hand descriptive and contemporary reports of men, their sayings, and their astonishing deeds : it is assuredly not easy to imagine oneself living in such surroundings, acting on such motives, and incorporating such peculiar notions. That was indeed a world-epoch wholly different from this in which we live. A world-epoch is not a mere scale of succeeding events, but a vast symphony of action wrought out in the lives of countless men and women. Surely in no age except in the great days of Greece was the output of humanity more wonderful, more splendid than in the Gothic period. Ushered in by the Crusades, when all Western Europe went mad with an ideal, it gave birth to chivalry, to a wonderful conception of human unity as expressed in an imaginary world-empire spiritual and temporal, and to the most complete and in its day entirely lucid and acceptable harmony of social structure and faith. It was an age that built Venice and the great cathedrals, that covered Europe with monastic establishments in which an attempt was made to live for something higher than material satisfaction. It was an age in which the seraphic fire of Francis could blaze in splendour before the enraptured eyes of mankind an age that produced the kingship of St. Louis, the philosophy of Anselm, the enthusiasm for righteousness of Bernard of Clairvaux.

It was an age, too, of song and wonder, of the almost Homeric Chanson de Roland and the strange worldwandering troubadours. But above everything else it was a great building age, when all that was most aspiring in the minds of men found expression in high-vaulted churches, rich with sculpture. Never were stones more gloriously builded together than by the thirteenth-century masons of royal France. Such a cathedral as that of Reims was not a mere specimen of what could then be made. It and one or two others, but it above them all, was the incorporation of the collective life of the people who were at the head of their age in the culmination of a great world-epoch. The middle-age, as it were, resided in Reims, was therein embodied and entirely expressed. So long as that cathedral stood in all the glory of its unrivalled perfection of mass and detail, the middle-age still existed in full view of modern man. To destroy it was not merely to destroy a beautiful thing that foolish people might imagine could be replaced by another. It was to destroy the chief accomplishment of three hundred years of the labour of the civilized part of Europe, for Reims was in itself a thing commensurate with an epoch of civilization.

ITS CHARACTER

No great Gothic building can be comprehended at a glance. The mass of it, the balance and building of it, do indeed impose upon a spectator an immediate effect, but it is in its details, in its ornaments and accessories, in its recondite parts gradually revealed, that the voice of the edifice is to be heard. Great Gothic churches were intended to be lived with. They were to instruct and delight a settled population, the folk who had made great sacrifices to erect and adorn them. A Moslem religious edifice, such as the Taj, strikes the beholder at first view with the full force of its magnificence and beauty.

The first vision is the greatest. It is not so with a mighty Gothic cathedral. The impression produced by it grows with time and familiarity. The great mediaeval cathedrals were more than mere places of worship, prayer-books graven in stone. Each was the heart of a city's life. They symbolized and expressed all that mediaeval man believed of the world that was, is, and is to come. There was then no discord between the religion and the daily life of men, as they held it should be lived, nor, consequently, was a different style employed for the adornment of one kind of object or another. There was no special religious architecture, or kind of decoration proper for a church and unsuitable elsewhere. Household implements were embellished with carvings of the subjects that found place in the portals of a cathedral. What the sculptor carved the painter also painted and the embroiderer worked. Not till the Reformation did the wedge enter that was destined to sunder religion from daily life. Before it the two were but different aspects of one thing.

Mediaeval art, like mediaeval religion, reflected every side of life and tried to express the many moods and humours of men. Just as folk-festivals and religious solemnities followed one another in the same building, alike under saintly and angelic patronage, so art changed from grave to gay, from serious to grotesque, in the faith that the eyes which regard mankind from Eternity's stillness look with equal favour upon hours of merriment and of worship, and find as much to approve in the labour of a man's hands as in the emotions of his puzzled heart. The life of Christ, to the Gothic mind, was a permeating influence throughout all human life. The husbandman at his plough and the churchman at his prayers were both performing a religious function. Hence the common introduction in cathedral portals and windows of the occupation of the months, these occupations being as much a part of the Christian religion as were the events of the life of Christ, its founder.

A PORTAL AT CHARTRES

In the Cathedral of Chartres the full-toned voice of a great mediaeval church may still be heard the things about which it spoke and the manner of its speaking. That cathedral possesses in tolerable condition three fine sculptured porches by which entry is made from north, west, and south. Let us take the north porch as typical of the rest. It tells chiefly of the Virgin and of her sweet influence, which, to the Gothic mind, embraced all the thoughts and actions of men and angels in the visible and invisible worlds. This porch contains three doorways, each filled above and on either side with sculpture. Over and before them is a richly wrought atrium. In all there are upward of seven hundred carved figures, large and small, many of a high order of beauty.

 


The central figure is a colossal statue of St. Anne, holding the Virgin in her arms, and standing upon a bracket carved with the story of Joachim. Overhead the chief subjects are the Dormition, Assumption, and Coronation of the Virgin. Three incidents from the birth and early days of the infant Jesus are carved over the door on the left, their purpose being to tell the central fact of the Virgin's life; in a corresponding position on the right are the Judgment of Solomon and the sufferings of Job as examples of Justice and Patience, the leading virtues of the Virgin herself. The setting for these central jewels is of an astonishing richness, every subject hereafter mentioned being so placed as to suggest sidelights of thought, by connexion with its neighbours above and below and contrast with those that balance it in corresponding positions. There are forty-two colossal statues, twenty-six of Saints and Prophets, two representing the Annunciation, two the Visitation, two the symbolical figures of Synagogue and Church, two the Active and Contemplative life, while the remaining eight are intended as monuments of the royal and noble personages by whose munificence or under whose rule this great work was done. These forty-two persons stand upon brackets carved with subjects illustrative of their lives. Around the arched-over part of each door come rows of angels in the voussures, some being the angels of the sun, moon, and stars. Then there are the physical and spiritual ancestors of the Virgin and a number of representatives of the human race in adoration of the Lady of Pity. To these succeed sets of carvings of chief incidents in the lives of Samson and Gideon, Esther and Judith, Tobit, Samuel, and David each chosen as example of one side or another of the ideal character. Further, we have the whole story of the Creation, the Fall, and the condemnation of man to a life of labour and sorrow. Here, therefore, the Occupations of the Months find place and with them the Signs of the Zodiac and figures emblematic of Summer and Winter. The Arts and Sciences follow, and the various modes of life, active and contemplative; then, as warning and example, the ten Virgins of the parable, the twelve Fruits of the Holy Spirit, the fourteen Beatitudes of body and soul, and the seven Virtues overcoming the seven Vices. The whole is surmounted by a seated figure of God Most High in the attitude of benediction. This is but the decoration of a single portal of the church.

Bear in mind that there is another porch as richly sculptured as this one, and a third less rich, as being the work of a previous generation which was feeling its way. The church within was as vocal as without. What paintings may have adorned its walls we know not, but its windows, filled with storied glass, still exist. Over each great porch is a vast rose window; they represent respectively, the Last Judgment, the Glory of Christ, and the Glory of the Virgin. Beside these there are 125 doublelight windows, 35 smaller roses, and 12 yet smaller. Almost all the painted glass with which these openings are enriched dates from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The windows were gifts, many presented by guilds of workmen of the town. In these the occupations of the trades are sometimes shown, subjects drawn directly from the folk-life of the day. Others were gifts from nobles, who are represented by figures in contemporary costume, though not portraits. One donor and his wife are shown playing chess and pray why not? But the greater part of the pictures deals with incidents, in the lives of Christ and the Virgin and of some fifty saints. There are, besides, the Apostles, the nine orders of angelic hierarchies, the Patriarchs and Prophets of the Old Testament, the parables of the Prodigal Son, the Good Samaritan, and the Ten Virgins, as well as illustrations of rarer types, such as the Virgin holding in her lap the Seven Gifts of the Spirit. One window shows a set of types and antitypes from the Old and New Testaments; others have again the Occupations of the Months and the Signs of the Zodiac; one with the Stem of Jesse is copied from a famous original, a few years older, which was at St. Denis and was likewise repeated at Le Mans, Canterbury, and elsewhere. A few are filled with a finely decorative grisaille.

THE PRIMACY OF ARCHITECTURE

the Foolish Virgins

see the William Blakes's picture

the foolish virgins

The range of subjects at the disposal of the Gothic artist was thus by no means small, yet it was in practice restricted to such compositions as were understood and could easily be recognized by an unlearned public. An artist was not asked for novelty but for lucidity and a decorative effect. Painters, sculptors, embroiderers, miniaturists all alike worked in subordination to architecture. Most of the beautiful things made were intended to be used in, and to harmonize with, a great building. Everyone then knew that a female figure holding a lamp upside down was one of the Foolish Virgins, and that a woman with a wheel was St. Catherine. An artist had only to jog the memory of the spectator so far as subject was concerned, but he had more especially to delight his eye, and that was where his art came in. As rich decoration, not in sculpture only, but in painted sculpture, was an essential part of Gothic architecture at that time, so painting and all the other arts were mere handmaids of architecture. Throughout the Dark Ages, from the fifth to the tenth or eleventh century, the leading art had been that of the goldsmith, as in times of insecurity was not unnatural. By the thirteenth century even that had been brought under the sway of the architect, as any silver or gold bookbinding will show, for on them you will find figures in high relief under elaborate canopies, which would serve equally well as designs for the sculptured niches and their contained figures on any cathedral front. So, too, it was with painting. Pictures, whether on walls or the pages of manuscripts, were in truth coloured sculpture in architectural frames depicted on the flat. The background is of plain gold or resembles a decorated hanging or patterned wallsurface. Against this the figures are relieved in coloured silhouette. Their number is the least lucidity required. The grouping is simple and approximately symmetrical. Each figure is quiet in pose and drapery. Colours are flat; few are employed, and those bright and pure blue, red, green, and so forth. All is reserved, direct, and yet brilliant. The figures, moreover, are of one type. They express one ideal character, except where vicious men have to be portrayed, and then the mediaeval artist fails. Faces are not intellectual, neither are they individual. They possess none of the qualities of a portrait. They depict types, not persons.

What was the ideal thus everywhere attempting to get itself expressed by successive generations of artists in all countries of the west, and especially in France? It was the ideal which generated the devotion of saint and monk and nun, and sent men in their thousands to the Holy Land to fight battles for an ideal Lord. It was the ideal which remade Europe after the Teutonic hosts had once almost destroyed it; which raised the new peoples from the grovelling savagery of the invasions and taught them to be reverent, generous, just, and true. It was this which has bred whatever of manliness and righteous life is in us even to this present day; an ideal which has fastened itself as permanently in our thoughts, let
us hope, as in our language, and if it had left behind no greater monument than the name of "gentleman", would in that alone have bequeathed a richer heritage than many a conquering race in all its works of pride.

For a hundred years, no more, harmony in government, social life, religion, and art was maintained about as perfectly as is possible in this imperfect, ever-changing world. By the fourteenth century the culminating days had passed. Feudalism was dying or dead. The monastic orders were growing corrupt. The pecuniary exactions of the Church were being resented. The balance of classes was becoming unstable. Most ominous of all, society was no longer completely permeated by a single ideal, dimly or grossly perceived by the masses, finely by the elect, sufficiently by all. When Jewish philosophers introduced the works of Averroes and the Moslem philosophers to the philosophers of Christendom, and thereby gave emphasis to the inevitable opposition between Nominalist and Realist, the seed of the Reformation was sown. The Averroists of the thirteenth century William of St. Amour and the rest were succeeded in the fourteenth by Wicklif, in the fifteenth by Huss, and in the sixteenth by Luther. Revived individualism was sapping the foundations of mediaeval socialism alike in Church and State. In the thirteenth century religious ideas and ecclesiastical forms and government were in harmony. After the thirteenth century ideas were steadily changing, but forms were maintained by vested interests. An ultimate cataclysm was assured.

THE MYSTICS

For the student of art the fourteenth century spiritualists or "mystics" are a notable group of men, whose centre of life was in the valley of the Rhine. That was an awful time of wars, famines, and the Black Death. In presence of these physical horrors sensitive souls were driven to turn from the material to the spiritual, from the darkness without to a light within. Such were Meister Eckhardt, Tauler, Suso, and many more. They had no thought of sundering themselves from the Church, but they raised their voices against the lewdness and luxury of Churchmen and the growing formalism of the folk. They did not preach penance, good works, and the like. They endeavoured rather to transfer to others the enthusiastic yearning of their own souls after God, after holiness, and the new life that followed upon an entire surrender of the soul to Christ.

"The mystic", wrote Mr. Beard in his Hibbert Lectures, " is one who claims to be able to see God and Divine things with the inner vision of the soul a direct apprehension, as the bodily eye apprehends colour, as the bodily ear apprehends sound. His method, as far as he has one, is simply contemplation; he does not argue or generalize, or infer; he reflects, broods, waits for light. He prepares for Divine communion by a process of self-purification : he detaches his spirit from earthly cares and passions; he studies to be quiet that his still soul may reflect the face of God. He usually sits loose to active duty; for him the felt presence of God dwarfs the world and makes it common : he is so dazzled by the glory of the one great object of contemplation, that he sees and cares for little else. . . . The mystic is always more or less indistinct in utterance : he sees, or thinks he sees, more than he can tell : the realities which he contemplates are too vast, too splendid, too many-sided to be confined within limits of human words. . . . Give a mystic the thought of God, and his mind wants and can contain no more : from a soul so filled, all peculiarities of ecclesiastical time and place drop away as useless shell or indifferent garment. This is the reason why the works of great mystics have always been the world's favourite books of devotion."

Such were the mystics of the Rhine Valley and the Low Countries "Brethren of the Free Spirit", "Friends of God", and other open or secret fellowships. Their leaders attracted large congregations. No organized movement at once resulted or was desired, but individual lives were changed and individual thought germinated. An all-sided effort, social, religious, political, industrial, artistic, had piled up the great Gothic cathedrals. The whole round of national life and thought was embodied in them. No such monumental result could come from the ferment of the mystics. Moreover, pomp of ceremonial, and all of doctrine and circumstance that it implied or involved, were discordant with their feelings. What they desired was more fervour in private devotion, more ecstasy of the soul in contact with the Divine. Whatever could help toward that they fostered; all else was nothing to them. If we are to find mediaeval mysticism expressed in art, we shall have to look for it, not in the architecture of the thirteenth, but in the small and highly finished pictures and manuscript illuminations of the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

After the Black Death, in the middle of the fourteenth century, a change took place in Gothic architecture and the allied arts. Its monumental character gradually deserted it. Great wall-spaces are fewer. Clustered columns become slenderer and more multiplex, tracery more intricate and less geometrical. Ornamental details increase in number and delicacy. Lines are more flowing; vaulted roofs more complicated; interiors more spacious and light. Architecture, in fact, tends toward the picturesque. Sculpture advances with equal stride in the same direction. Rows of colossal figures, which in the thirteenth century stand in monumental calm, now begin to awake as to the actual world. They turn this way and that. They appear to be conversing one with another. The Virgin smiles. The Child lovingly strokes her cheek or extends His hand toward the spectator.

THE COLOGNE PAINTERS

Cologne was no great centre of Gothic architecture, but affords an interesting example of this change. Here are some noteworthy dates. Her cathedral was founded about the beginning of the last quarter of the thirteenth century, and its enormous choir was finished about the end of the first quarter of the fourteenth built in fact during the last half-century of the great Gothic building age. Then the building activity slackened. Years went by and little was added to the pile. The old socialistic architectural spirit, with all that it implied, ceased in the city about the time of the consecration of the choir. Turn now to the last half of the fourteenth century, and what do we see? No longer a building activity, but a busy group of painters, Meister Wilhelm, perhaps, at their head, and all the Rhineland filling with pictures. That is one indication of the social, religious, and intellectual change that synchronized with the growth and prevalence of mysticism. Away off in distant Hamburg too, and in Bohemia, and up at the Rhine-head about Lake Constance, the same change was taking place in the last part of the fourteenth century : here sooner, there later, according to local circumstances; but the limits of our subject cannot be so widely outstepped as to bring these movements into present consideration. A word or two about what happened in the Cologne region may suffice as typical of all.

Meister Wilhelm has been named, but in fact when his name has been written down there is not much more to add that is known for certain about him. A certain Wilhelm, born at Herle near Cologne, bought a house in the city in 1357, seems to have attained a good position among the people, and died about 1380. He may have been the Meister Wilhelm of whom the Limburg Chronicle notes in connexion with the year 1380 that he was then active, and that he "painted a man as though he were alive". A few beautiful pictures of the Cologne School have come down to us from about that date. Whether any of them are by him who can say? His name is a useful label for the period and style.

The most extensive picture of the kind is the altar-piece in Cologne Cathedral, called the St. Clara altar, which, one would suppose, must have been painted by the head of the local school at the time. It is Gothically architectural enough in general aspect, with its rows of moulded arcading surmounted by cusped and crocketed pediments, but the paintings within these frames are not architectural at all. Here the new spirit is plainly declared its playful tenderness, its slender grace, its "sweetness and light". There is none of the old stateliness, but a gentle domestic humanity instead. See how in the Nativity the Babe leans out from the manger and tries to reach His mother's cheek to kiss it, the while the ass licks His head, and the little angels, fluttering in the air above, make music on their rudimentary instruments. Or note how happily father and mother unite to bathe the Child in His tub, she tenderly holding Him, he pouring warm water over His back from a copper pot angels overhead busy as before. The spirit that animates the compositions determines also the human types : slenderness of body, purity of expression, grace and simplicity of flowing line. Of course the colouring is bright against the gold background, the patterns pretty, all details pleasantly decorative. Happiness is the keynote, happiness in domesticity in a world of people of good will. That was the kind of ideal place the much-tried folk of those days pictured as a haven of rest from the evils of this world.

 

La Vierge Doré d'Amiens

Or turn to the little Madonna pictures, intended doubtless for private oratories rather than church altars. They must have been numerous, though few have survived; such are the Virgin with the pea-blossom at Nuremberg and the little triptych in Cologne Museum with Catherine and Barbara on the wings. In the St. Clara altar we had incidents in the life of the Holy Family, but here we have Virgin and Child held up for adoration. Older generations in such case made of her a queen, majestic and aloof. Already at Amiens the Vierge dorée had descended somewhat from that high estate; now she has approached yet nearer to the human heart. She has become lovable as a woman, whom one need not fear to address, a gentle friend who calls for affection rather than homage, and will pour forth the protection of love rather than of power. Clearly into this presence only the pure of heart can happily enter, but they will find themselves indeed at home.

The religion of the thirteenth century was a side of the whole life of a people. Barter and sale, manufacture and war, alike then presented a religious aspect. But if thereby the ordinary actions and affairs of life seemed to receive a divine sanction, the ideals of faith tended also to be dragged through the mire. When the enthusiasm of mediaeval faith lost some of its vitality, this dragging down of religion became painful to the more spiritually minded, and a reaction followed. It drove the mystery plays out of the churches into the market-places and produced other like changes. The movement of the mystics was part of this reaction. In one sense they tended to sunder religion from the daily life of ordinary folk. They laid stress upon a change of heart rather than upon ceremonies and conformities. Not the visible functions of the Church, but inward emotions were for them of prime importance. The acts of life were indeed to manifest the changed heart, but it was the change that was vital, not the acts. Thus, for them, private contemplation and private devotion were raised to the first place; public worship sank to a lower level. The necessary worldliness and pomp of ceremonial of the great symbolic religion were distasteful to these forerunners of the Reformation. Hence the novel type of this mystical Madonna. This ideal Lady evidently would be out of place over a shop-door. She could be the dream of a poet or a pure maiden, but hardly the inspiration for a life of rough-and-tumble action in a workaday world. She belongs to the oratory, not the market-place.

PARADISE PICTURES

Another type of painting expressive of mystic ideals is the "Paradise" picture. The type did not come into existence much before the fifteenth century, one of the earliest examples being, perhaps, the central panel of a little triptych at Berlin with St. Elizabeth and St. Agnes on the wings. It may date from about 1400. Here the Virgin and four Saintesses are seated upon a flowery sward. The naked Child in His mother's arms plunges His hand into Dorothy's flower-basket and will give a blossom to Catherine who holds out her dainty little bag for it. Barbara and Margaret contentedly look on. How different from the Gothic altar-pieces of less than a century before, in which each saint stands solemnly in his own niche, emblem in hand to tell his name! This fanciful, wayward, mystic treatment comes nearer to the spirit of the old legends, framed when Christianity was young.

Here, for instance, is the tale they told about this same Dorothy, fair and pious maiden of Cappadocia. Condemned to death for her faith, she said, "So be it; the sooner shall I stand in the presence of Him whom I most desire to behold, the Son of God, Christ mine espoused! His dwelling is in Paradise; by His side are joys eternal, and in His garden grow celestial fruits and roses that never fade". On her way to martyrdom, one Theophilus, a youth, called to her mockingly, "Ha! fair maiden, goest thou to join thy bridegroom? Send me, I pray thee, of the fruits and flowers of that same garden : I would fain taste of them". And Dorothy, looking on him, inclined her head with a gentle smile and said, "Thy request, O Theophilus, is granted." Whereat he laughed aloud. When she came to the place of execution, she knelt down and prayed; and suddenly there appeared at her side a beautiful boy, with hair bright as sunbeams. In his hand was a basket with three apples and three fresh-gathered fragrant roses. She said to him, "Carry those to Theophilus; say that Dorothea hath sent them, and that I go before him to the garden whence they came, and await him there". The angel sought Theophilus and found him still in merry mood about Dorothy's promise. He set before him the basket of celestial flowers and fruit, saying "Dorothea sends thee these," and so vanished.

Here is the very atmosphere of the mystic artist. The Gothic painter would have depicted a stately maiden standing upright in a niche with a basket in her hand. The artist of the mystic school lets his fancy play; takes the old symbols and makes toys of them. His art becomes lyrical, and is invested with a new kind of charm which painting was better suited than sculpture to express.

A well-known picture at Frankfurt, dating from some twenty years later, shows how quickly the new style grew. In it we have no ordered grouping of courtiers about a central queen, but a true mediaeval garden within the embattled outer wall of some castle enclosure, a raised bed of flowers up against it, and quantities of blossoms growing out of the grass, as only in Dorothy's garden could they grow, untrammelled by the seasons. She is there picking cherries into her basket with her back unceremoniously turned to the Virgin, who is reading in a book, which might be a romance for all one can tell. Cicely and the Babe are strumming on a cithern. Elizabeth is drinking at a fountain. Three young knights form a group conversing together. The birds are all tame, the flowers in full blossom, the sky clear. What a delightful world! No wonder the new ideas were found acceptable and the new style flourished.

The monuments, which the central mediaeval age had created, remained a precious memorial and potential force of great power, capable of affecting individual men and women of any day with a sense of what was noblest in the heart of mankind at a great epoch of the world but the old spirit was gone. So it always must be in a universe for ever "becoming". "The old order changeth, yielding place to new, And God fulfils Himself in many ways." Only by dying can a man enter fully even into the whole of his own life.

 

THE ADVENT OF THE VAN EYCKS

THE advent of the Van Eycks is the most important landmark in the history of painting in northern Europe. With them we open an entirely new chapter, for although the value of oil in various inferior processes of the art had been ascertained and availed of at an earlier period, it was entirely due to their long and painstaking experiments that its use was perfected as the vehicle of colouring matter in picture-painting. Unfortunately, time and its worst incidentals have obliterated the evidence which would have enabled us to follow the development of this new method, just as they have robbed us of all the earlier work of its original expounders, leaving us at the same time much too inconsiderable remains for a comprehensive survey of the school of which they were the finished product. It is a disconcerting experience to encounter primarily the lifework of two such eminent painters at a stage when they were already in the plenitude of their powers, and an experience that must always tax the ingenuity of the student and critic of their art. Particularly is this the case in respect of the elder brother, for the ascertained facts of Hubert's history are restricted to the last two years of his life (1425-26), while of the masterpieces he bequeathed to posterity only one can be said to be absolutely authenticated, though of others generally ascribed to him several may safely be accepted as genuine.

John's career, on the other hand, can be traced back to 1424, but the chronology from that date to his death in 1441 is fairly ample, while he has left us a rich heritage of attested paintings to exemplify the varying aspects of his remarkable genius.

It was in the nature of things that the monastic institutions, which in the early Middle Ages were exclusively the nurseries of learning and of the arts and crafts, should have infected these with the mystic spirit induced by the more or less contemplative life its inmates led. More especially must this have been so when we consider that their labours were wholly in the service of religion. As time went on, and monasticism progressed from the pursuit to the dissemination of knowledge, the pupils developed under its influence were naturally imbued with the same spirit, and so a tradition grew up and spread which held undisputed sway for a considerable period in the various centres where artists congregated and formed schools. In the earlier Rhenish school of Coin this was the dominant note of its art, which it cherished and sustained in all its purity and simplicity to a later period than any of its offshoots and rivals; for as its teaching extended, more particularly northwards, we are conscious of a weakening of its traditions, of a gradual evolution from the spiritual idealism of its mystic brotherhood to the more humanistic realism that is the distinctive feature of Netherlandish art, from the utter sinking of personality to the frank assertion of individuality. Nor does this divergence necessarily bespeak a weakening of religious vitality: rather is it to be ascribed to a marked difference of temperament and race characteristics. Neither could this change have been as abrupt as might appear from the scant remains of the art of the period. It was a natural growth, the one inherent quality of all such developments, ever tending to the elaboration of a higher type, and eventually producing its finest exemplification in the person of Hubert van Eyck. In his younger brother, on the other hand, who almost belonged to another generation, we soon note a more striking falling away from the earlier ideals, and in the event an almost total emancipation from the canons of the mystic school, the explanation of which is probably to be sought in an equally marked difference of character and temperament in the two brothers: the one more poetic and imaginative, the other more objective and materialistic; the one drawing his inspiration from a humble and devout cultivation of art by the light of the sanctuary, the other from a devotion to art for art's sole sake, involving all the difference that divides the expression of beauty of thought and mere beauty of form, the spiritual and the intellectual: each nevertheless supreme in his own sphere, and wielding an influence and authority destined to leave their impress on all the afterwork of the school.

 

Jan Arnolfini and Jeanne de Chenany, his wife By Jan van Eyck.

It is difficult to refrain from what would appear an overuse of the superlative in dealing with John van Eyck's works, but if the writer might be allowed an indulgence he would unhesitatingly avail himself of it to the full in connection with the exquisite panel for the possession of which we are indebted to the honourable wounds which were the seal of Major-General Hay's part in the battle of Waterloo. After wandering about Europe as the cherished possession first of Don Diego de Guevara, councillor of Maximilian and Archduke Charles and Majordomo of Joan, Queen of Castile; next of Margaret of Austria, Governess of the Netherlands; subsequently of Mary of Hungary, and eventually of Charles III of Spain, it fell into the acquisitive hands of the French invader of the Peninsula, and by some strange freak of fortune strayed to the apartments at Brussels in which the gallant major-general was nursed to recovery, from whose landlord he purchased it, the National Gallery in the end becoming its owner, in 1842, for the trifling sum of £730. It is the picture of a newly married couple in a homely Flemish interior, and in their attempts to solve an imaginary riddle critics have given their somewhat prolific powers of imagination an unusually free rein. For instance, the peculiar manner in which the bride sustains the gathered folds of her skirt—shown by comparison with figures of virgin saints in other of Van Eyck's paintings to have been a passing fashion of the day, if an ungraceful one—suggested to some the near approach of her lying-in, the bedstead in the background as well as the figure of St. Margaret (a favourite of women in expectation of childbirth) surmounting the back of the arm­chair naturally tending to confirm the impression; in corroboration of which the attitude of husband and wife—though the direction of look in neither lends support to the theory—is explained as a venture in chiromancy, the adept bridegroom endeavouring to read in the lines of his wife's hand the future of the coming infant: a variant elucidation representing the husband as solemnly protesting his paternity to an inexistent crowd of neighbours at the open door, seeing that the ingenious reflection of the scene in the circular convex mirror on the far wall reveals but two additional figures, probably the painter and his apprentice. Without recourse to fancy, the attitude of bridegroom and bride, hand in hand, might readily have been seen to symbolise the perfect union begot of a happy marriage. John's love of domesticity is abundantly displayed in all the detail of the work—the chandelier, with lighted taper, dependent from the ceiling, the aumbry with its couple of oranges, the cushioned bench by the window, the dainty pair of red shoes on the carpet by the bedside, the pattens of white wood with black leather latchets in the fore­ground, even to the dusting-brush hung on the arm-chair, and the pet griffin terrier, all helping to heighten the intimacy of the scene; while the cherry-tree in full bloom, seen through the open window against a sky of clear blue, serves to fix the season of the year in which the picture was painted. The portraits are of John Arnolfini and Joan Cenani: the former, in later years, was knighted and appointed a chamberlain at his court by Duke Philip, and from the circumstance of his burial in the chapel of the Lucchese merchants at the Austin Friars' we may presume both his nationality and calling; the latter, considered in respect of certain features, especially the eyes, eyebrows, and nose, suggests a sufficient likeness to warrant the surmise that she was a younger sister of Van Eyck's wife. The panel, which is in an almost perfect state of preservation, is a fine example of the painter's vigour of delineation and perfect blending of colour, both as regards the interior and the figures, the transparency of shadow in the flesh-tints showing the utmost delicacy of touch. The picture bears date 1434.

 

THE TIMES OF THE BROTHERS VAN EYCK

THE unusual activity which during the latter half of the fourteenth and the first half of the fifteenth centuries throbbed throughout the whole of the Netherlands forms one of the most interesting and surprising studies of national progress that history has furnished.

Geographically and politically, in her arts and in her industries, the country was affected by changes both radical and lasting. Some years before the period which embraces the life of the subjects of this biographical sketch, the German Ocean had invaded the northern territory of the Netherlands, and had disorganised a Parliament and divided a people. At the beginning of the thirteenth century over the whole of that low-lying and marshy tract between Kampen on the east and Amsterdam to westward, and southward to within sight of Nieukerk, the North Sea swept in upon the inland lake of Flevo, swallowing thousands of hamlets, villages, and towns suddenly and completely. Until this time there had been but one Friesland, including Holland, divided only by the Vlie, a small stream hardly to be counted a river. Now East Friesland and West Friesland were divided by this vast stretch of water, the stormy and dangerous Zuyderzee, and it became impossible for Holland to send her representatives to the general assemblies at Aurich. West Friesland was absorbed by Holland, and East Friesland became a self-governing State, and remained such until the power of Charles V was established. Thus politically as well as geographically was the country disrupted by the forces of Nature.

To trace the rise of the Netherlands as a European Power from a more remote period than the beginning of the fourteenth century would be beyond the range of this sketch; but for the purpose of showing the general advance of the country's interests a brief summary of the events culminating in the wellnigh despotic power of the House of Burgundy may refresh the reader's mind, as they affect the constitution of the nation, and may serve to point cause and effect in the increasing prosperity of the country and in the resulting advance of art; for just as the political influence of the Burgundian Princes spread from their hereditary provinces first over Flanders and Brabant— over that part of the Netherlands which is now known as Belgium—and finally over the Dutch provinces, so the current of art swept from Burgundy to Flanders and thence to Holland.

At the beginning of the fourteenth century Holland was ruled by the House of Avennes, Counts of Hainault. Holland having previous to the accession of the Avennes annexed Zeeland, the three provinces may almost be regarded as the nucleus of the Dutch power. William IV, last of the Hainault line, died childless in 1355. His death was the signal for the outbreak of a long and spasmodic series of civil disturbances between the nobles and the cities and municipalities. These parties, known by the titles of the Hooks and the Kabblejaus (codfish), continued their intermittent strife throughout the succeeding 150 years. In the meantime William IV was succeeded by William of Bavaria. Then followed his brother Albert, who was in turn succeeded by his son William VI. At the death of the latter the reins of government were left in the uncertain hands of his young daughter, Jacqueline, a girl of seventeen. Jacqueline, it appears, led anything but a happy life. Her cousin, Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, for thirteen years plundered and robbed her, and at her death in 1437 he had already dispossessed her of her lands and reduced her from the position of Sovereign to that of Lady Forester in her own provinces, whilst for himself he had laid the foundation of that Greater Netherlands which by conquest and annexation he proceeded to extend.

Having acquired the principal Netherlands and inherited the two Burgundies and the counties of Flanders and Artois, he had purchased the county of Namur, usurped the duchy of Brabant, and annexed the barony of Mechlin. A few years later he acquired also the duchy of Luxembourg.

Philip was now the ruler of what may be termed a kingdom of several peoples, who, though in a measure distinct, were of similar temperament and character, and who may be counted now as one. Never has conqueror been in a happier position when faced with the problem of welding together his conquests.

For Philip ruled those whose interests were similar, and whose characteristics were almost identical—a people born of the sea, strong and fearless, who had lived by strife with their fellows and by strife with Nature; a people born to toil and to hardship, whose battle for life had been with Nature herself—a race which for centuries had fought with swamp and water year in, year out, conquering a mile of morass or patch of barren furze, striving for the soil to live upon, working not for gold, but for life. This nation had now become a power of natural strength and of dominating physique, virile and live and expansive, whose sons, with brooms at their mastheads, should later sweep the seas from whose destructive embrace she had succeeded in wresting herself.

Under the rule of the Burgundian the prosperity of the Netherlands rapidly increased. In Holland and in Flanders, in Brabant and in the other leading provinces, industry and wealth, agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, were ever augmenting. While Philip, in the zenith of his power, flushed with the passion and success of territorial acquisition, busied himself with the glorification of his sovereignty by founding at Bruges, amid a scene of indescribable splendour, the Order of the Golden Fleece, "to the honour of God, of the Blessed Virgin, and of the holy Andrew," a principle more potent than even territorial power was evolving. For in Haarlem an undistinguished sexton wrestled with the intricacies of the printing-press. Lorenz Coster was printing his book of the Dutch language. The question as to the time and place of the invention of printing will probably never be settled to the satisfaction of Holland and Germany; but the men of Haarlem still claim upon very sound and substantial evidence that between 1423 and 1440 their citizen was the first to employ movable type, which is generally considered the invention of printing proper, as distinguished from the more ancient block-printing.

Whatever objection may be legitimately raised to the application of the title "The Good" to a ruler of Philip's character, this Burgundian had many of the qualities that go to the making of a successful monarch. His military talents were considerable; his political methods, though despotic, were practicable. Though he taxed the wealth of his country, he protected and encouraged the commerce and manufactures of Holland and Flanders, their arts and crafts, science and literature. He founded at Bruges the famous Burgundian Library. He remodelled, and to some extent endowed, the University of Louvain. His munificence and princely generosity attracted to his Court at Bruges men of letters like Oliver de la Marche and Philippe de Commines, and famous painters like Jan van Eyck, and perhaps, though we lack documentary evidence, his elder brother Hubert, who gave, perhaps, more to the art of painting than even did Coster to the art of printing, or Philip himself to the sciences of statesmanship and war.

The most salient points in the life and work of these two brothers, who close the period of stiff Gothic medievalism and stand on the threshold of modern art, and whose improvements in the technical methods of their art opened up to their successors unthought-of possibilities, are shrouded in deep mystery, and the most recent research to which a number of thoroughly competent scientific experts have devoted themselves, whilst producing many ingenious theories and deductions, has, in a certain sense, added to the confusion by throwing doubt upon the authenticity of documents and inscriptions which had formerly passed undisputed, and formed the basis of the unstable edifice that had been erected around the vague fame of the brothers Van Eyck. This uncertainty begins with the parentage and the place and date of birth of the two masters, and extends to the two supreme achievements to which they owe their fame—the reputed invention of oil-painting, which was variously ascribed to Hubert and Jan, then denied to both of them, and, finally, given back to Hubert in the form of an improvement on the methods of oil-painting practised during the period; and the much-quoted inscription on the famous Ghent altar-piece, The Adoration of the Lamb, which has been, and must remain, the starting-point for all research in this matter, even though the late Henri Bouchot, Keeper of the Print Cabinet of the Bibliothfcque Nationale, suggests that this inscription may have been added when the picture was restored in the middle of the sixteenth century. At every turn we are faced by similar doubts and contradictions, especially in the case of Hubert, about whose life and doings we have so little documentary evidence that we have to fall back entirely upon conjecture and deduction.

The Man with the Pinks (Berlin Museum)By Jan van Eyck.

HUBERT VAN EYCK

 

IF Joes van Eyck and Margaret van den Huntfanghe, who are entered in the register of the Ghent Guild of Painters for 1391, are the parents of the two masters who have made the name of Van Eyck immortal, we should have proof of their descent from artistic stock, which may be taken for granted in view of the fact that not only Hubert and Jan, but also a third brother, Lambert, and a sister, Margaret, devoted themselves to the art of painting, though Lambert—if he really be responsible for the pictures which stand to his credit—was a man of but mediocre talent; whilst we have no evidence of the activity of Margaret, who was most probably a miniaturist or illuminator.

It is believed that Hubert (or Huybrecht) van Eyck was born at Maaseyck, or perhaps at the village of Eyck near that town, between 1366 and 1370, and that he received his artistic training either at Cologne or at Maastricht; but the first definite mention we have of him is in Ghent, where he eventually settled, and where, in 1424, the archives record that he was paid certain sums for drawings. Though Mr. Weale and other authorities hold the view that, before settling in Ghent, Hubert must have travelled to the South of Europe, there is absolutely no evidence to this effect. The paintings of the two brothers certainly contain details which reveal intimate acquaintance with Southern vegetation and mountain formation; but, as will be seen later, Mr. Alfred Marks has fairly well established the fact that the younger brother, Jan, must be held responsible for such paintings or portions of paintings as prove the knowledge of Nature in the South of Europe.

The name of Hubert van Eyck occurs in two other documents, quoted by Edmond de Busscher in his "Recherches sur les Peintres Gantois", but the authenticity of both these entries has lately been questioned. The first of them, which is proved to be a forgery, records the admission of Hubert and of his sister, Margaret, into the Confraternity of Our Lady of the Rays at Ghent in 1419; the other the affiliation of Hubert and Jan, in 1421, to the Corporation of Painters and Sculptors of Ghent.

According to the wording of the latter entry, it may be gathered that the election of the two masters was so enthusiastic and unanimous that the Corporation dispensed with the conditions and formalities usual on the admission of free masters to the guild. This unusual affiliation, of which the Livve du Metier Gantois does not reveal another example, is there quoted as a homage rendered to the memory of Michelle de France, Countess of Flanders, and first wife of Philip the Good, who appears to have held the two brothers in special favour. The Corporation, in thus granting to them the professional franchise of Ghent, at the same time expressed their esteem for their talent, and the pious remembrance in which they held the memory of their Queen Consort.

Of Hubert's early work we have absolutely no record, and no picture is known which bears his signature. Indeed, the only paintings which can with absolute certainty be assigned to him are the great Ghent altar-piece, painted for Jodoc Vydt, on which he was engaged at the time of his death, and which was finished six years later by his brother Jan; and the shutter of a triptych at the Royal Gallery at Copenhagen, which represents Robert Poortier, of Ghent, protected by St. Anthony, with the Angel Gabriel on the reverse. Robert Poor- tier's will, made in 1426, a few months before Hubert's death, mentions this triptych as being in the master's workshop. On the internal evidence of these two authentic works attempts have been made to trace Hubert's hand in several other pictures, though their number is so far restricted to only seven. It has been suggested that Hubert may in the earlier years of his career have devoted himself to miniature painting; and the wonderful Turin miniatures published by M. Paul Durrieu in the Gazette des Beaux-Arts (January and February, 1903), which date from the same period, show such marked kinship with Hubert's conception and style that they may well be the work of his own hand. The scarcity of his paintings would thus be accounted for if, anterior to the experiments which led to the invention of the new method of oil-painting about 1410, Hubert had exercised his rare gifts in a different field.

From the wording of his epitaph, which has been handed down to us, it is made clear that Hubert died on September 18, 1426. As translated by Sir Charles Eastlake, in his ''Materials for a History of Oil-Painting", this epitaph runs as follows: "Take warning from me, ye who walk over me. I was as you are, but am now buried dead beneath you. Thus it appears that neither art nor medicine availed me. Art, honour, wisdom, power, affluence, are not spared when death comes. I was called Hubert van Eyck; I am now food for worms. Formerly known and highly honoured in painting, this was all shortly after turned to nothing. It was in the year of the Lord one thousand four hundred and twenty-six, on the eighteenth day of September, that I rendered up my soul to God, in sufferings. Pray God for me, ye who love art, that I may attain to His sight. Flee sin, turn to the best, for you must follow me at last." Hubert was buried in the crypt of the Cathedral of St. Bavo at Ghent. When, owing to some structural alterations to the church, this crypt was destroyed, the tombs, including Hubert's, were removed and the bones dispersed. Only Hubert's right arm was placed in an iron case and exhibited as a relic.

 

The Adoration of the Lamb (Cathedral of St. Bavo, Ghent) By Hubert and Jan van Eyck.

Count William passed away on the 31st of May 1417, leaving an only child, Jacqueline, aged seventeen, by his wife, Margaret of Burgundy, who had predeceased him. Her uncle, John of Bavaria, Prince-Bishop of Liege, an unscrupulous ruffian who clearly paid small deference to women's rights, at once set himself to rob the unfortunate princess of her possessions. In September 1418 he marched out on Dordrecht, where he established his headquarters; Gorcum and other strongholds speedily succumbed to his arms, and after an interval, during which he married Elizabeth of Gorlitz, Duchess of Luxemburg and widow of Anthony of Burgundy, Duke of Brabant and Limburg, he finally removed to Holland and installed himself at The Hague, free now to pursue his nefarious projects. For thirteen years the country resounded with the clash of arms and laboured in the rough and tumble of civil warfare: hence an atmosphere the least congenial to the cultivation and patronage of high art. The cities of Flanders and Brabant were the gainers by the exodus of craftsmen that presently set in. Of their number, sooner or later, was Hubert, who, prior to 1425 at any rate, had already settled at Ghent and acquired the freedom of that city. News of the unfinished polyptych remaining on his hands soon came to the ears of Jodoc Vyt, a wealthy burgher, who eagerly embraced the opportunity of striking the bargain by which he acquired all rights in the picture and so linked his name and personality for all time with this ineffable monument of the painter's art.

In the centre-piece, "The Adoration of the Lamb", we discover the keynote to the scheme of the work, in the Apocalyptic Vision of St. John the source of its inspiration. The Lamb without spot, the blood from its breast pouring into a chalice, is stood on an altar, the white cloth over which bears on its superfrontal the text from the Vulgate, "Behold the Lamb of God, who taketh away the sins of the world," and on its stole-ends the legend, "Jesus, the Way, the Truth, and the Life." Worshipping angels gather around, some bearing instruments of the Passion, others swinging censers, their smoke laden with the prayers of the saints. In the foreground the Fountain of Life, flowing down through the ages along the gentle slope of flower-bejewelled sward, or dis­pensing its waters in vivifying jets from the gurgoyles beneath the feet and from the vases in the hands of the winged angel above its standard. To the four quarters groups of the elect: on the near right those of the Old Law and among the Gentiles who had lived in expectation of the Redeemer, the balancing group on the left typical of the New Law—prophets, doctors, philosophers, and princes in the former, the Apostles, popes, bishops, abbots, deacons, monks, and clerics among the latter. The corresponding groups back of the altar represent the army of martyrs whose blood is the seed of the Church, and the multitude of virgins. Over all, from the Holy Dove poised high over the altar, dart rays of light, emblematic of the Wisdom which had inspired their lives and of the fire of Love that had heartened their sacrifice. A carpet of flowers fills in all the open space fore of the altar, flowering shrubs and trees that of the mid-distance, while the entire back­ground is an exquisite example of the realistic landscape-work that is an abiding charm of the Netherlandish school. The wonderful harmony of colour appeals at once to the senses; but more arresting, on nearer acquaintance, for its quality and felicity, is the wide range of portraiture that distinguishes the piece. From the two lateral panels in the dexter shutter the Knights of Christ and the Just Judges are pressing forward to the scene of the Vision, from the corresponding ones in the sinister shutter the Holy Hermits and the Holy Pilgrims: the former on spirited horses—an animal for which the painter evinces a special affection—the latter on foot. These panels are even more remarkable perhaps than the centre-piece for the diversity and multiplicity of the types portrayed, and for the wealth of landscape relieved by bird life lavished in their embellishment.

touch to enlarge The Adoration of the Lamb (Cathedral of St. Bavo, Ghent) By Hubert and Jan van Eyck.

 

The Great Polyptych had not yet reached completion when, on the 18th of September 1426 Hubert van Eyck passed away after a painful illness. How much of the work remained to be accomplished none can tell with any hope of approach to certainty. A whole volume would not suffice for a critical examination of the mass of contending theories that for the best part of a century has been squandered in the endeavour to allocate to the two brothers their respective shares in the execution of the picture. Remember that it had already been some ten years in the making, and that, although it did not receive its final touches from the brush of John van Eyck until 1432, nearly six years after his brother's death, this period of John's life, as we shall presently discover, was too fully occupied in the service of Duke Philip of Burgundy to have allowed of his spending any considerable proportion of it in the task of completion. Remembering also that John's art had been closely modelled on that of his brother, that none better comprehended his ideals or was more intimately acquainted with the working out of his conceptions, mindful, moreover, of the deep veneration in which he held his master's genius, we must suppose that he realised the obligation of conscientiously adhering to the art and technique of the picture as he found it, any obtruding originality in violation of which would have amounted almost to sacrilege: all this further enhances the difficulty of differenti­ating between the work of the two painters. Indeed, if so minded, the reader is probably as well equipped as the writer to solve the puzzle.

Hubert van Eyck was laid to rest in the crypt of the chapel for which he had painted his masterpiece, but in 1533, when chapel and crypt had to make way for a new aisle, his remains were transferred to the churchyard, all except the bone of the right fore-arm, which was suspended in an iron casket in the porch of the Cathedral. The brass plate bearing the well-known epitaph was at the same time placed in the transept, only to become the spoil of the Calvinist Iconoclasts in 1578, when already the casket had somehow or other long since disappeared. But what of the painter's fame, to whose workshop laymen of the highest distinction had felt it a privilege to be admitted, about whose easel journeymen painters had flocked, and whom the leading contemporary artists of the Netherlands had been proud to call master? During his lifetime, and for a considerable period after his death, his was a dominating influence in the Art of the North, and Van Mander has it on record that whenever the polyptych was freely exposed to the public gaze crowds flocked to it from morning till night "like flies and bees in summer round a basket of figs and grapes". But in the stress and turmoil of succeeding generations his memory gradually faded away; his work, uncared for, lost hold on the imagination; even his great masterwork narrowly escaped destruction. Even so it did not escape dismemberment, or profanation at the hands of the "restorer". Saved from the fury of the Iconoclasts in 1566, and subsequently rescued from the Calvinist leaders who contemplated its offer to Queen Elizabeth in acknowledgment of her subsidies, it eventually became the spoil of the French Republicans; but after the battle of Waterloo restitution was effected, and the main portion of the altar-piece, all that remains of it in Ghent, was reinstated in its present position. The Adam and Eve panels, which in 1781 had offended the unsuspected modesty of Joseph II, and in consequence been deferentially removed, were ultimately ceded to the Belgian Government, and now rest in the Royal Gallery at Brussels; while the other six shutter panels, which had been safeguarded through the French occupation, were shamelessly sold to a dealer in 1816 by the Vicar-General and churchwardens—in the absence, it is right to say, of the Bishop—for a paltry 3000 florins, subsequently changing hands for 100,000 francs, and eventually becoming the property of the Prussian Government for four times that amount.

 

JAN VAN EYCK

 

THE date of Jan van Eyck's birth is as uncertain as that of his brother's. Tradition has it that the two brothers are portrayed on the panel of the great Ghent altar-piece, which represents The Just Judges. These portraits suggest a difference of about twenty years between the two, so that the birth of Jan would have to be placed somewhere between 1386 and 1390. Hubert being thus about twenty years his senior, it is natural to suppose that Jan received from him his early education in matters of art. Guicciardini, van Mander, and other early writers, affirm that the two brothers worked in collaboration, and there is no reason to doubt that Jan in his early years assisted his brother in many or most of his paintings— perhaps even in the Ghent altar-piece, which he finished after the elder brother's death. It is certainly a curious fact that, with a single exception—the completely over -painted Enthronement of St. Thomas of Canterbury at Chatsworth—all the signed pictures by Jan bear dates posterior to the death of Hubert. And it is equally significant that the first of this series of ten signed pictures is dated 1432, the year of the completion of the Ghent altar-piece, which was the last work in which both brothers had a share.

The chief events in the life of Jan van Eyck can be gathered fairly accurately from con- temporarary records and documents. In 1422 Jan entered the service of John of Bavaria, at that time Duke of Luxembourg, whose house­hold accounts show the payment of a weekly wage to the artist, from October 25, 1422, till September, 1424, for the decoration of the palace at the Hague. M. Bouchot mentioned an earlier record of Jan's doings, when he believed he discovered him at Cambrai decorating a Paschal candle. But the eminent French critic probably confused Jan van Eyck with one Jan de Yeke, whose name occurs in the accounts of the Cathedral of Cambrai as that of a man employed in 1422 and many following years in painting crosses, clocks, and candles on the outer wall of the cathedral to deter the passers-by from committing nuisances!

In the spring of 1425 Jan van Eyck was appointed valet de chambre to Philip the Good, and though this princely patron availed himself of the master's services as a painter, it would appear from a letter signed by Philip, and bearing the date March 12, 1434, that the appointment of Jan to the position of Court painter to the Burgundian Prince only took place in that year (1434). Still, as valet de chambre Jan van Eyck must have enjoyed a position of considerable trust and emolument at the hands of his august master, for on more than one occasion we find him entrusted with important missions, some of which took him to the Portuguese Court. The first of these excursions took place when he had resided for three months at Bruges. On his return he went at Philip's order to live at Lille, where he remained until 1428. His missions were generally of a secret nature, but on one of these occasions, in the year 1428, we find Jan again absent in Portugal, returning to the Court of Philip in the suite of Isabella of Portugal, who was destined to become the royal consort. Gachard, in the Collection de Documents Inédits concernant l'Histoire de Belgique, gives a detailed account of the artist's movements from his departure from Écluse on October 19, 1428,to his return in January, 1430. According to these dates, which are gathered from contemporary documents, the ambassadors with the Infanta set out from Lisbon on October 8, 1429. The apparent discrepancy between these dates and that of January 10, 1429, which, at the Golden Fleece Exhibition at Bruges in 1907, was given as the date of the foundation of this Order, and consequently of the nuptials of Philip and Isabella and of Jan's return to Bruges, is easily accounted for if we remember that the beginning of the year was then reckoned from March 1, so that January, 1430, of our own reckoning would tally with January, 1429, of the contemporary calendar.

Isabella of Portugal and Philip the Good

Duke Philip's matrimonial ventures hitherto had not been crowned with success. Neither his first wife, Michelle of France, nor Bonne of Artois, whom he wedded and lost within the ten months (she died in September 1425), had provided him with an heir. Anxious to secure the succession in the direct line, towards the middle of 1427 he despatched ambassadors to the court of Alphonsus V, King of Aragon, to obtain for him the hand of Isabella, eldest daughter of James II, Count of Urgel, and John van Eyck was attached to the mission. Arriving at Barcelona in July, only to find that the earthquakes in Catalonia had driven the Court to escape by sea to Valencia, the embassy followed in the royal track and reached this city early in August, in time for the floral games and bull-fight with which the Jurats honoured the King. The mission led to nothing, not even to a portrait of the princess, who in September 1428 was married to Peter, Duke of Coimbra, third son of John I, King of Portugal; but it is interesting to find Alphonsus V in later years acquiring paintings by Van Eyck for his collection. The return journey included a short halt at Tourna, where the magistrates very appropriately paid Van Eyck the compliment of a wine of honour on the 18th of October, St. Luke's Day, the local guild, moreover—Robert Campin, Roger de la Pasture, and James Daret doubtless distinguished among its members—being favoured with his company in the celebration of the feast of its patron saint. A like wine of honour was presented to the ambassadors on the 20th.

An illuminating dispute between the Duke, the Receiver of Flanders, and John van Eyck helped to relieve the tedium of life in the intervals of employment on foreign missions at this stage of the painter's career. Philip's munificence was largely tempered by prudent frugality in the ordering of his household, and in the process of curtailing his domestic expenses in 1426 he published an edict bearing date December 14 regulating its constitution and the wages of its members. By some inadvertence John's name was omitted from the new roll, and the Receiver of Flanders summarily stopped payment of his salary. An ineffectual protest was lodged, complaints followed re-inforced by threats, to such good purpose that eventually, though not until after many months' persistent badgering, the aggrieved party emerged with flying colours from the triangular duel, securing letters patent under date March 3, 1428, confirming his appointment and commanding the payment of all arrears.

Of the many paintings executed by John van Eyck to which no precise date can be attached not one can with certainty be ascribed to this period, and yet it is difficult to believe that his duties in the three years he had already spent in the ducal service were exclusively of a non-professional character: surely the lost portrait of Bonne of Artois as Duchess of Burgundy, a copy of which is preserved in the store-room of the Royal Gallery at Berlin, was his work. The years immediately following, however, yielded a rich harvest of brilliant pictures, first among which, chronologically, two portraits of the Infanta Isabella of Portugal. Philip, on matrimonial projects still intent, was now turning his attention from the Courts of Spain to the neighbouring one of Portugal, and in the autumn of 1428 he decided on an embassy to John I. The mission was a princely one : at its head Sir John de Lannoy, councillor and first chamberlain; associated with whom were Sir Baldwin de Lannoy, governor of Lille—at some later date, too, a subject for our painter's brush—high dignitaries of the court and some of the leading gentry, a secretary, cupbearer, steward, clerk of accounts, and two pursuivants, and last, but not least, John van Eyck, whose relative standing may be gathered from the fact that in the distribution of gratuities at the ceremony of leave-taking only that of the chief ambassador exceeded his, the respective sums being 200/. and 160/. The mission, distributed between two Venetian galleys, sailed out of Sluus harbour on the 19th of October and arrived the next day at Sandwich, where three or four weeks were spent awaiting a further escort of two galleys from London. Forced by contrary winds to seek shelter, first at Shoreham and then at Plymouth and Falmouth, it was not till the 2nd of December that the convoy sailed out into the ocean. Nine days later they were at Bayona, a small seaport of Galicia, where they delayed three days, their long sea journey at length terminating on the 16th at Cascaes, whence they travelled overland to Lisbon. In the absence of the Court a letter explaining the object of the mission was entrusted to the herald Flanders, who pursued the King from Estremoz to Arrayollos and Aviz, in the province of Alemtejo, where the embassy at last had audience of his Majesty on the 13th of January and presented to him the Duke's letters soliciting the hand of his daughter Isabella. The while the ambassadors were discussing their master's proposals with the King's Council John van Eyck was at his easel painting the Infanta's portrait, two copies of which were executed and despatched to the Court of Burgundy, one by sea and the other by land, the better to ensure safe delivery, with duplicate accounts of the mission's doings to date. The Duke's reply did not arrive until the 4th of June. A pilgrimage to Saint James of Compostella, and visits to John II, King of Castile, to the Duke of Arjona, a prince of the same royal blood, and to Mohammed, King of the City of Grenada, agreeably filled in the interval of waiting, Van Eyck naturally missing no opportunity of acquaintance with the leading painters of the day, enlarging the scope of his own observation, and no doubt leaving behind him the impress of his mastery. That the name of Van Eyck was already one to conjure with in these distant realms appears from the traditional ascription to him of a mass of painting certainly in his manner, but vastly too great to have ever been conceived by him within the limits of his stay in Portugal. Take that finest of all pictures there, the "Fons Vitae" in the board-room of the Misericordia at Oporto, and the series of twelve paintings in the Episcopal Palace at Evoca, locally claimed for Van Eyck; likewise the pictures in the church of S. Francisco at Evoca, in the round church of the Templars at Thomar, and elsewhere, which are at any rate thought there to be not unworthy of his technique, and scarcely inferior to his best masterpieces for brilliancy of colouring and beauty of portraiture. The one regrettable circumstance in relation to this visit to Portugal is that both portraits of the Infanta are to be numbered among the lost certain treasures of his art.

On their return to Lisbon in the closing days of May the embassy rejoined the Court at Cintra on the ensuing 4th by special request of the king, and the Duke of Burgundy's reply came to hand the same evening: the princess's portrait had been to the Duke's liking. All the preliminaries being now in order events sped on apace, to the signing of the marriage contract at Lisbon on the 29th of July and the solemnisation of the espousals a day later; and after a period of brilliant festivities the bridal party, to the number of some two thousand, set sail for the land of Flanders. A fortnight later four weather-beaten ships, the Infanta's of the number, lumbered into Vivero harbour in Galicia, followed later by a fifth: the remainder of the original fleet of fourteen, after battling with contrary winds, had been effectually dispersed in the subsequent storm. Again a start was made on the 6th of November, but the state of prostration to which Sir John de Lannoy had been reduced by sea-sickness compelled a further delay of over a fortnight at Ribadeu. Here the convoy was reinforced by two Florentine galleys, also bound for Flanders, and on the 25th they eventually made good their leave of Portuguese waters. The afflicted ambassador, with members of his suite, had meanwhile transferred to the Florentine galleys, a step that nearly cost them their lives, as these vessels narrowly escaped shipwreck in the vicinity of the Land's End. The other five ships put into Plymouth harbour on the 29th, but the Florentines pushed on to Sluus, where they cast anchor on the 6th of December, Sir John de Lannoy making all speed to the Duke with the glad tidings of the Infanta's safe arrival in English waters. The preparations for her reception were quickly followed by the coming of the bride, who safely accomplished her long journey's end on Christmas Day. In the midst of a carnival of popular rejoicing the union was solemnised at Bruges on the 7th of January 1430.

In the early days of December 1431 Cardinal Albergati, special ambassador from Pope Martin V to the Courts of France, Burgundy, and England with a view to bringing about a general peace, spent three days at the Charter­house in Bruges as the honoured guest of the Duke, from whom Van Eyck received urgent instructions to paint the portrait that is now the property of the Imperial Gallery at Vienna. The time being all too short for the purpose, John had to be content with the exquisite drawing in silver-point on a white ground which is still preserved in the Royal Cabinet of Prints at Dresden, and which is particularly interesting because of the marginal memoranda in pencil embodying the most minute observations in the artist's own handwriting for his guidance in the execution of the painting. A remarkable portrait of a most remarkable man: for this prince of the Church, a humble son of the austere Order of the Carthusians, though raised to the Cardinalate and time after time called upon to serve the Holy See on important embassies requiring consummate prudence in regard to matters of temporal policy, discarding his family arms for a simple cross, persevered to the end in such austerities of the cloister as the wearing of a hair shirt, total abstinence from flesh-meat, and the use of bare straw for his rude pallet: a type that must have appealed to Van Eyck, for the picture is avaluable index of the painter's genius for portraiture.

Cardinal Albergati

 

 

Somewhere about this time John's thoughts, somewhat later in life than was the custom of the age, must have been turning on matrimony on his own account, for we find him purchasing a house in the parish of Saint Giles, a quarter much affected by painters, and shortly after­wards engaged on a portrait of the man appointed to be his father-in-law; and we can picture the Duke, with whom he was ever a special favourite, being made the confidant of his intentions on the occasion of his visit to Van Eyck's workshop on the 19th of February 1433, and pleasantly encouraging him with a promise to stand sponsor for his first-born. At any rate the wedding took place, and in due course Sir Peter de Beaufremont, Lord of Chargny, held the infant at the baptismal font as proxy for Philip, whose present took the form of six silver cups weighing 12 marks, the order for payment of the account, amounting to 96/. 12s., to a local goldsmith, John Peutin, bearing date June 30, 1434; and this is the nearest approach we can get at to the date of either event. Indeed, we have no information as to the sex of the child, nor are we even acquainted with the maiden name of Van Eyck's wife, though it has been suggested, with some show of reason, that she was a sister of Joan Cenani, the wife of John Arnolfini, already referred to; and it is only within quite recent days that the painting in the National Gallery commonly spoken of as "the man with the turban" has been identified, on purely scientific lines, as the portrait of her father. If the reader will compare this likeness with that of Margaret van Eyck he must immediately be struck by the close resemblance that irresistibly suggests the relationship: the marvel is that the absolute identity of features in the two portraits escaped notice so long. The fanciful style of head-dress, except it was intended to symbolise occupation or profession, remains a puzzle; for it is difficult to conceive a man of his earnest and dignified disposition masquerading in strange attire for the mere sake of effect. The best authorities speak of him as a well-to-do merchant—specialising perhaps in Eastern wares, such as crowded the marts of the Flemish capital in the heyday of its prosperity—apparently about sixty-five years of age, the face being delicately painted in reddish-brown tones, and showing every detail with uttermost faithfulness, even to the pleats of the eyelids and at the root of the nose, and to every vein and wrinkle of the forehead. It is one of the finest exemplifications of John's rare gift of portraiture, the pleasing modesty of the artist—as revealed in the inscription "Als ich kan" (to the best of my ability)— adding, indeed, to the charm of the picture, which bears date October 21, 1433, and passed into the keeping of the National Gallery in 1851.

 

 

Mr. Weale, while arranging the archives of St. Donatian at Bruges, discovered in the account of the fabric of the church for the year beginning June 25, 1440, and ending June 24, 1441, entries of sums received for the grave of Jan van Eyck and for the ringing of the funeral bell, and in the obituary of the church his anniversary set down as celebrated on July 9. In an article in the Burlington Magazine (1904) Mr. Weale makes the following comment: "Hence it appears certain that he died on July 9, 1440. This date, now generally accepted, is, however, incorrect. Two entries in the account of Walter Poulain, Receiver- General of Flanders for the year ending December 31, 1441, prove that John's death took place in 1441, but leave the exact day uncertain". Three entries show that Jan died about the end of June, and that on July 22 a grant of 360 livres — the equivalent of her husband's salary for half a year—was made to Jan's widow by the Duke Philip in recognition of the services rendered by her deceased husband. It also shows that Jan's wife was named Margaret, and that he left at least two children—one, the Duke's godchild, Philip or Philippina, born in June, 1434; the other, Lyennie, who became a nun at Maaseyck in 1449, which lends colour to the theory that Maaseyck was her father's birthplace.

His epitaph, as translated by Sir Charles Eastlake, runs : "Here lies Joannes, who was celebrated for his surpassing skill, and whose felicity in painting excited wonder. He painted breathing forms, and the earth's surface, covered with flowery vegetation, completing each work to the life. Hence Phidias and Apelles must give place to him, and Polycletus be considered his inferior in art. Call, therefore, the Fates most cruel, who have snatched from us such a man. Yet cease to weep, for destiny is immutable; pray only now to God that he may live in heaven."

St. Barbara (Antwerp Museum)  By Jan van Eyck.

 

THE INVENTION OF OIL-PAINTING

 

TRADITION has for centuries connected the name of Van Eyck with the invention of oil-painting, and has fixed upon the year 1410 as the date of this invention. This, at least, is the year given by such early writers as Guicciardini, Vasari, Opmeer, and Karel van Mander. Vasari, indeed, gives a most detailed and circumstantial account of this epoch-making event, which, according to the Aretine biographer, was brought about by the single-handed efforts of Jan. And it is easy to understand that the fame of the elder brother had in the sixteenth century become obscured and merged in that of the brilliantly successful Jan, the valet de chambre and official Court painter. This "Giovanni of Bruggia", Vasari tells us, "after having given extreme labour to the completion of a certain picture, and with great diligence brought it to a successful issue, he gave it the varnish and set it to dry in the sun, as is the custom. But whether because the heat was too violent, or that the wood was badly joined or insufficiently seasoned, the picture gave way at the joinings, opening in a very deplorable manner. Thereupon Giovanni, perceiving the mischief done to his work by the heat of the sun, determined to proceed in such a manner that the same thing should never again injure his work in like manner. And as he was no less embarrassed by his varnishes than by the process of tempera-painting, he turned his thoughts to the discovery of some sort of varnish that would dry in the shadow, to the end that he need not expose his pictures to the sun. Accordingly, after having made many experiments on substances, pure and mixed, he finally discovered that linseed oil and oil of nuts dried more readily than any others of all that he had tried. Having boiled these oils, therefore, with other mixtures, he thus obtained the varnish which he—or, rather, all the painters of the world— had so long desired. He made experiments with many other substances, but finally decided that mixing the colours with these oils gave a degree of firmness to the work which not only secured it against all injury from water when once dried, but also imparted so much life to the colours that they exhibited a sufficient lustre in themselves without the aid of varnish; and what appeared to him more extraordinary than all besides was that the colours thus treated were much more easily united and blent than when in tempera."

Vasari then proceeds to tell us of Jan's great success, of the "blameless envy" of all other artists in Flanders and abroad, from whom he would jealously guard his secret, until, in his old age, he imparted it to "his disciple Ruggieri da Bruggia", a name which surely can hide no other personality than Rogier van der Weyden's. Of Hubert never a mention, save a short reference in the last volume, in the chapter on "Divers Flemish Artists". As in most of Vasari's anecdotes, there is probably a foundation of truth to the elaborate network of fiction. The incident explained by him at great length may have occurred, but its hero can only have been Hubert, and not Jan, who was then a mere youth working in his brother's bottega, and may have assisted Hubert in his experiments. Though it has since been doubted that Hubert or Jan van Eyck actually invented oil-painting, no evidence has yet been discovered to prove they were not the first to employ oil as a medium in putting colour on the prepared panel. It is true that oil as a protective varnish was frequently used during the fourteenth century, and it is probable that some kind of oil-colour was employed in the colouring of statuary and in the painting of banners at an early period. For this reason the statement that Hubert and Jan van Eyck "discovered painting in oils" has been disputed, and generally accepted as inaccurate, but the question is one rather of terminology than of the technical point.

As the term "oil-painting" is generally accepted today, it is fairer to credit these brothers with the invention, than to speak of their achievement as an improvement in oil- painting, for hitherto the medium in common use had been a preparation of gum and white of eggs. And as there is neither definite proof nor any good evidence that oil had ever been used as a medium to mix the colours for panel-painting before Hubert and Jan made their experiments, we surely have an easy distinction to draw. The brothers Van Eyck were the first successfully to mix the oil with the colours for painting, and this process is what we now understand as "painting in oils". The use of oils as a protective or varnish does not enter into the painting, since such had only been used on the completion of the work.

For the rest, the brothers either acted more generously than Vasari would have it, or they did not altogether succeed in guarding their precious secret, for their method appears to have been fairly generally practised at Ghent about 1420. We find, for instance, that in 1419 the "free painters," Willem van Appoele and Johannes Maertens, received a commission to paint some pictures for the town hall of Ghent in "good oil-colours." It is also certain that Rogier van der Weyden— Vasari's Ruggieri da Bruggia—never was a pupil of either Jan or Hubert van Eyck.

 

A Presentation Portrait, probably from the Painter (Jan) to his friend "Timothy", a Greek humanist whose Christian name only is known. The inscription at the foot reads: "Actum anno Domini 1432, 10 die Octobris, a Iohanne de Eyck."

THE ART OF THE VAN EYCKS

 

THE position occupied by Hubert and Jan van Eyck in the history of art is one of unparalleled importance. A deep gulf divides them from all their immediate precursors, who seem to belong altogether to a different epoch —nay, a different world. Just as their improvement in the technical methods of their craft opened up a vista of till then un- thought-of possibilities, so their conception of life and of pictorial form marks the beginning of a new era, the passing of the vague mediaeval idealism into an art that is based upon the close study and loving appreciation of Nature. Perhaps too much stress has been laid upon the so-called "realism" of the brothers van Eyck, and more especially of Jan. Again and again critics have insisted upon Jan's uncompromising love of literal truth, upon his insistence on details that are in themselves at times repulsively ugly. This realism was tempered with deep sentiment and a sense of style which kept such details well subordinated to the general scheme, and it is in this respect that Jan van Eyck stands immeasurably above Melchior Broederlam, who occupied the position of vavlet de chambve and Court painter to Philip the Bold, the grandfather of Jan's patron. Broederlam, indeed, as may be seen in his famous altar-piece at Dijon, seems to be a far more pronounced realist than Jan van Eyck, simply because he lacks that sense of style and harmony and subordination—in short, that concentration—which makes us forget the realistic detail in the beauty of the complete thing.

The real precursors of the van Eycks were the sculptors who carved the tombs, monuments, and reliefs in the churches of Tournai. In these we first find the faithful adherence to the facts of Nature and the understanding of the subtleties of form which in painting appear first in the works of the brothers van Eyck, who may have also owed much of their knowledge to the flourishing school of Flemish miniature-painters, if, indeed, Hubert in his early days did not actually practise this art. Yet, even though the new era in painting is, as it were, heralded by the new tendencies in plastic art—just as in Italy Giotto was preceded by the sculptor Niccolo Pisani—there is something wonderful, something almost difficult to realise, in the sudden appearance of complete and perfect works of art, like the paintings of the van Eycks, that with masterly sureness express the whole essence of the Gothic style, whilst at the same time they reveal a new understanding of the inexhaustible beauty of Nature, a keen perception of structural growth and of individual characteristics, and, above all, an almost modern understanding of the play of light upon figures and objects in and out of doors.

The picturesque, brilliant, varied life of such cities as Bruges and Ghent at the beginning of the fifteenth century cannot have failed to stimulate the artists' power of observation, to sharpen their perception of the differences of race, gesture, and costume; for the streets and squares of the rich commercial centres of Flanders were filled from morning to night with ever-moving crowds of courtiers and merchants from all parts of the world—Spaniards and Italians, Germans, and Slavonians, and even Moors and Turks, all in their different costumes and following their different customs. At the same time the painters' eyes were constantly met by the wonders of the creations of architects, armourers, and other craftsmen who flourished under the protection of the Burgundian rulers; and one may well understand the love and enthusiasm with which a receptive artist like Jan van Eyck applied himself to the faithful delineation of the splendours and of the seething life by which he was surrounded.

Although the two brothers were in the habit of working together upon the same pictures, which has given rise to many disputes as to the authorship of unsigned works, and although Jan, the realist, at times approached, though never equalled, the spirituality and decorative sumptuousness of Hubert, whilst Hubert, the stylist and greater mind of the two, sometimes vied with Jan in the minute and exquisite elaboration of details, the signed works of Jan and those parts of the Ghent altar-piece which are unquestionably Hubert's own have made it possible to characterise the distinguishing qualities of the two masters. Hubert far exceeds his brother in monumental impressiveness, in grandeur of style, in idealistic significance, in sumptuousness, and even in sense of beauty. Even the folds of his draperies have a fulness and a noble swing which form a striking contrast to the more laboured irregularity of Jan's, as may be seen in comparing the garments of God the Father, the Virgin Mary, and St. John, of the Ghent altar-piece, with the curiously broken folds of Barbara's dress in Jan's picture at Antwerp.

The conception of such ideas as are embodied in the Adoration of the Lamb, or in the Triumph of the Church over the Synagogue, at the Madrid Museum, would also have been quite beyond the pale of the more prosaic Jan's imagination. Jan, on the other hand, excelled in stating the reality of the visible world. Generalisations of human types or of landscape features are unknown to him. He was the first to fix upon his panels all the carefully studied and exquisitely wrought details of the actual world—sky and mountain and river, forest and fields, flowers and trees, and the churches and castles, houses and bridges, placed in Nature by human hands. It is scarcely too much to say that he was the first landscape-painter, just as he was the first portrait painter in the modern sense of the word—the first who could paint a scene so that it could be identified after the lapse of centuries, the first who could paint a portrait so that the model stands before us living and breathing, in all his beauty or ugliness. To appreciate the keenness of his vision one has only to examine the marvellous Arnolfini group at the National Gallery, with its almost scientific treatment of softly diffused indoor light. A comparison of this picture, from the point of view of lighting, with anything that was painted before the days of the van Eycks will reveal perhaps the greatest step forward that is on record in the whole history of painting.

Christ's Warriors (Berlin Museum) By Hubert and Jan van Eyck.

 

COLLABORATION OF THE BROTHERS

WHEN piecing together the lives of the brothers van Eyck, it is necessary to delve into a confusing mass of conflicting statements—evidence which is only in part to be relied upon, and the theories of those who have devoted a vast amount of time and labour to the unearthing, sorting, and arranging of such evidence as they have been able to lay their hands upon. Incomplete as the records are, we must, until further evidence has been discovered, accept the obvious conclusions from the indisputable data left to us.

We have ten unquestionably genuine signed pictures by Jan, and a small group of others which may, from internal evidence, be safely ascribed to the same source. We know that the great Adoration of the Lamb, though designed in its entirety by Hubert, is the combined work of the two masters. We know also that the Copenhagen panel of Robert Poortier was in Hubert's studio at the time of his death —perhaps unfinished. The remaining pictures generally accepted as genuine van Eycks have been variously ascribed to Hubert, or to Jan, or to their united efforts. In view of the fact that not a single really authenticated work by Hubert alone is known, special significance must be attached to a statement, several times repeated by early writers, that Hubert and Jan "continually painted on the same works."

In trying to solve the difficult question which part of the extant oeuvre is Hubert's and which is Jan's, our knowledge of Jan's journeys to the South assumes considerable importance. For Hubert's travels we lack proof—they are mere conjecture: But there is documentary evidence of Jan's journey to Portugal in 1428, in addition to which Mr. Weale has, I understand, recently unearthed some further documents which establish another and earlier journey of Jan to Spain. On these travels Jan must have become well acquainted with certain plants peculiar to the South, and especially the dwarf palm or palmetto, which is confined almost exclusively to Spain and Portugal. It is therefore not unreasonable to assign to him those portions of the disputed pictures in which this palmetto appears. Some authorities hold that Jan did not have any independent artistic career before Hubert's death, and that in the division of labour Hubert's share was, as a rule, the general design and the painting of the figures, whilst Jan filled in the landscape and architectural backgrounds.

The collaboration theory has been advanced by Mr. A. Marks, whose knowledge of Flemish art is profound, and whose deductions are as conscientious as they are convincing. To him we are indebted for an interesting paper upon the subject, which is at once exhaustive and reasonable. To retail all that Mr. Marks advances in support of his theory would be to reprint his treatise in toto; but though it is impossible here to follow all his arguments, it'is equally impossible to avoid reference to the valuable correspondence between him and Mr. James Weale in the Athenaeum between November, 1902, and April, 1903. This correspondence arose from an article by Mr. A. Marks in the Athenaeum in May, 1900, in which attention is drawn to the presence of the palmetto in the picture of St. Francis receiving the Stigmata (now in possession of Mr. J. G. Johnson, Pennsylvania; a copy in Turin), which picture had been formerly variously ascribed to Henri met de Bles, Joachim Patinier, and Mostaert. Mr. Marks has since supplemented and explained his views in the essay mentioned; whilst Miss Frances Weale has published an excellent study on the "van Eycks", which, in a concise and interesting form, presents her father's views on the subject.

St. Francis receiving the Stigmata. Jan van Eyck.

It is, of course, likely that nothing is proved as to the authorship of certain paintings by the presence or absence of the exotic plants or other details ascribed to one or other of the brothers. Supposing the assumed visit of Hubert to Southern Europe to be a fact, Jan may have made use of his brother's studies to embellish his landscapes; or Hubert may have utilized Jan's studies. But either supposition is extremely unlikely. We have certain proof that Jan did several times visit the South, while Hubert's sojourn in these parts is pure surmise; and not only is it likely that, rather than make use of second-hand material, Hubert left portions of the pictures to be painted by Jan, but the examination of the various pictures reveals the same hand in the painting of the recurring details. We must, then, take the facts and the most likely deductions in preference to deductions drawn from data which are merely conjectural.

Documentary evidence proves that Jan, immediately after his reception by the King of Portugal on January 12, 1429, began the work of painting the portrait of the Infanta, which, by the way, was executed in tempera, and not in oil. This painting is, unfortunately, lost, and though there are several portraits of Isabella now extant, of which one at least may be a copy of Jan's picture, there is nothing in any of them that can be traced to this master. He took a month over its completion, and while the Court and Embassy were awaiting the decision of Philip, to whom the picture had been sent, Jan and his colleagues had time to visit several places of interest and people of distinction. They travelled to the north to see the shrine of St. Iago of Compostella; then to the south, where they were received in turn by the Duke of Arjona and the King of Castile; and then to Granada, in the extreme south, where they visited the King of that city. It is stated that they also visited many other places ; and, as from Granada they returned to Lisbon, they must have passed through the country lying between Cordova and Seville.

Now, through the whole of the south-eastern portion of the peninsula the palmetto, or dwarf-palm, flourishes abundantly, and Jan could not fail during his tour to become well acquainted with it. In a letter which Mr. Marks quotes in his paper read at the Royal Society of Literature, June 24, 1903, Mr. Luffmann, Director of the School of Horticulture in Melbourne, says that the triangle formed by Seville, Cordova, and Osuna, is "a piece of country which is literally overrun by the plant", and that the root of the palmetto is commonly used in those parts as fuel. In Italy it is but of rare occurrence, though it grows in some of the islands of the Mediterranean; whilst in the parts of Spain and Portugal visited by Jan it is almost impossible for the visitor to avoid seeing it.

Failing, then, even the probability that Hubert ever saw the palmetto growing, we must credit Jan with the painting of this plant, which, like all the other exotics, must have been carefully studied from nature, for they are represented in most minute, careful, and conscientious manner, and are absolutely true to life. The palmetto occurs in the picture of St. Francis receiving the Stigmata (above referred to), in the St. Anthony with the Donor at Copenhagen; and in The Three Marys at the Sepulchre in the collection of Sir Frederick Cook at Richmond. The portions of these paintings by Hubert van Eyck, where the palmetto occurs, may therefore be safely ascribed to the hand of Jan.

Other exotic plants, which are not restricted to Spain and Portugal, occur in these pictures; but they are painted by the same hand, and betray the same loving adherence to truth, and a similar familiarity with the plants as they grow. It is therefore patent that they, too, must be ascribed to Jan, for it is impossible to suppose that the younger brother's work on these pictures was simply that of adding the by no means necessary dwarf-palm to Hubert's completed landscapes. Jan was probably responsible for the design and execution of these landscapes. These other exotics also occur in the Ghent altar-piece, in the Calvary of the Berlin Museum, and in the copy, at the same museum, of a lost Virgin and Child. Mr. Marks produces further evidence to prove that Jan must have painted not only the foliage, but the whole of the landscapes where the little palm appears, including in most cases the architecture. He draws attention to the architectural features in the Chancellov Rolin with Saints in the Louvre, and the signed and dated altar-piece by Jan in the museum at Bruges : "The architecture in these pictures is not a real architecture—that is, it has not been copied from any actual examples ... Agreement is general that it is an architecture invented, not merely copied". These pictures furnish evidence of the painter having visited Italy, for marble is represented in a most lavish manner. This marble is not characteristic of Northern architecture; its use is distinctly Italian. The painting of it displays the usual care and conscientiousness common to all Jan's works. Further points cited by Mr. Marks as evidence of Jan's work in various pictures are the representations of snow-mountains in various works, and the presence of a flying flock of geese.

The former is of greater importance, as this again points to acquaintance with the South, where alone the painter could have seen snow-mountains. Now, as very similar architecture to that in the altar-piece at Bruges, which is signed by Jan van Eyck, is found in the Chancellor Rolin (Louvre), the Virgin and Child (Dresden), and the Carthusian Monk with Saints (Gustave de Rothschild, Paris), the suggestion is clear that in all these pictures the architecture is the work of Jan, and several notable critics hold this view. In three of these four paintings we find the snow-mountains — namely, in the Dresden triptych, the Chancellor Rolin, and the Carthusian Monk. And having established Jan as the author of these snow-mountains, we must credit him with the landscapes where this feature occurs in other pictures—i.e., the Ghent altar-piece, the Crucifixion of the Hermitage in St. Petersburg, the Calvary of the Berlin Museum, and the Three Marys of Sir Frederick Cook. The theory that Jan is responsible for the snow-mountains is amply supported by the very reasonable deduction that he must at some time have visited Italy. This is gathered from the Italian character of the architecture, together with the snow seen in the Rothschild picture, the Chancellor Rolin, the Carthusian Monk, and the Dresden picture. The theory is further supported by the presence of the palmetto together with snow-mountains in the Three Marys of Sir Frederick Cook. Here the palmetto proves the authorship of the landscape, and as the view contains snow-mountains it very materially strengthens the supposition that it was Jan, and not Hubert, who painted them, and who consequently must have been to the South of Europe—probably Italy—to have seen them.

The flock of geese, which appears in no fewer than six pictures in addition to Jan's signed St. Barbara at Antwerp, is of very much less importance than the snow-mountains and the palmetto, for here the only use that can be made of it as evidence is its frequent repetition. It is found in the landscapes of the Ghent altar-piece, in the Chancellor Rolin, the Carthusian Monk, another version of the same subject in the Berlin Museum, St. Francis receiving the Stigmata, and in the Three Marys. But the flock of wild-geese is not a feature made use of by the van Eyck brothers only. It seems to have been of common occurrence in several other Flemish painters both before and after the days of the van Eycks. Nevertheless, its presence in the pictures enumerated has been brought forward as supplementary evidence to prove the collaboration of Hubert and Jan.

So far, then, evidence has been shown to prove Jan's share in the following pictures : the Chancellor Rolin, the Virgin and Child (at Dresden), the Carthusian Monk in the Rothschild Collection, St. Francis receiving the Stigmata, St. Anthony and the Donor (at Copenhagen), The Three Marys at the Sepulchre, the Crucifixion (at St. Petersburg), the Calvary (at Berlin), and the great altar-piece at St. Bavo, Ghent. Still another point which has been generally urged to prove collaboration of the two brothers is the appearance of their portraits in certain pictures. They are seen in the panel of the Ghent altar-piece representing the Just Judges, in the copy of the lost Fountain of Life or The Triumph of the Church over the Synagogue in the Madrid Museum, and also, it is said, in the Crucifixion of St. Petersburg.

Though the theory of collaboration is an old one, doubts have arisen amongst modern critics, who have shown a growing tendency to ascribe the majority of the unsigned works solely to the elder brother, which attribution is refuted not only by the arguments here set forth, but by many early writers, including Guicciardini and van Mander, both notable and reliable historians.

Before leaving the question of collaboration, a few words must be said concerning the controversy that has arisen over the Ghent altar-piece. This painting is indisputably the masterpiece of the van Eycks, and is of stupendous proportions. The panel of the Adoration of the Lamb, from which the whole alter-piece takes its name, and the shutters depicting the Just Judges, the Wavviovs of Christ, the Holy Hermits, and the Holy Pilgrims, have by many critics been attributed to Hubert's unaided efforts. It is therefore interesting to examine the landscape backgrounds of these five panels, and to consider them in the light of the evidence deduced from the backgrounds of the other "collaboration" pictures. Evidence is needed to prove that Jan's work was not merely confined to finishing the picture after his brother's death (the inscription states that it was begun by Hubert and finished by Jan), which in itself, of course, does not prove collaboration of the brothers.

In the first place, Jan's handiwork must be identified. In the pictures already discussed it has been proved fairly conclusively that Jan is responsible for the painting of the exotic plants, the snow-mountains, the flock of wild geese, and the architectural setting. The land- scapes in the Ghent altar-piece contain exotic plants, wild geese, and snow-mountains. Of the latter it is difficult to speak; they are whitish in colour, but their formation is neither so natural nor so well designed as in the Three Marys. The exotic plants alone prove Jan's work here. The birds may, or may not, be very important. They serve, however, by their repeated appearance in Jan's other pictures, as auxiliary evidence. The question for proof, however, is not the presence of Jan's work on this picture, but the presence of his work before the death of his brother. And from this point of view it is significant that, though other exotics are present in profusion, the palmetto—a sure result of Jan's visit to Portugal—does not appear. The whole work is stated in the inscription to have been finished on May 6, 1432, two years after Jan's return from Portugal. Now, the absence of the palmetto from this picture points to one of two conclusions—either the work left for Jan to do in the completion was comparatively trifling, or that the greater part of the picture, including the design of the landscapes, was already finished before Jan met with the palmetto.

That the work of the younger brother was not insignificant is distinctly stated in the text of the inscription : "The painter, Hubert van Eyck, greater than whom none is to be found, began [the work]; the bulk was completed by his brother Jan, second to him in art, relying on the request of Jodoc Vydt. This verse invites you to contemplate that which was completed on May 6, 1432". This translation from the Latin is chosen from three versions. The other renderings seem to be given by those who would translate the word pondus as work, and thus give the younger brother credit for no more than finishing an incomplete picture. The text has, however, been translated by several learned scholars, who are entirely free from the taint of partisanship, and it is now generally agreed that the translation given here is the correct one.

There is yet another possibility which the absence of the palmetto points to—namely, that the picture was practically finished before Jan's visit to Portugal, save some very minor details, which were completed in 1432. The presence of the other exotics points to this view being correct, for it would obviously be unlikely that Jan should omit the palmetto from all these five landscapes after his careful studies of his favourite plant. The other exotics, not being a result of the journey, may very well have been painted before 1429. Collaboration in this work is further proved by the portraits of the two brothers.

The Van der Paele Altar-piece (Bruges Museum) Jan van Eyck.

  About this time Van Eyck was once more in trouble with the Receiver of Flanders and his officials. Philip, adding one more to the many marks of favour reserved for his predilect painter, had bestowed on him a life-pension of 4320. in lieu of the salary of 1000. parisis awarded him at the time of his engagement. In the absence of any explanation of this enormous increase, the mystified accountants at Lille declined registration of the letters patent; but they were speedily brought to their senses by John's threat, without further waste of words, to throw up his appointment there and then: so they referred the matter back to the Duke, who by letters of March 12, 1435, commanded immediate registration of the patent and payment of the pension under penalty of his extreme displeasure, protesting that, being about to employ Van Eyck on works of the highest importance, he "could not find another painter equally to his taste or of such excellence in his art and science." Matters being thus satisfactorily composed, John was free to attend to his patron's behests; in addition to which he had the gilding and polychroming in 1435 of six of the eight statues of counts and countesses of Flanders executed by local sculptors for the front of the new Town­house, probably from his own designs. Yet another present of six silver cups, perhaps as a salve for his wounded feelings, and employment on a further secret mission to distant parts in 1436 testify to the Duke's abiding trust and approbation. These undertakings, however, did not exhaust the painter's marvellous capacity for work, for this year also witnessed the completion of one of the largest of his pictures, the altar-piece to the order of Canon Van der Paele, for the collegiate church of Saint Donatian at Bruges, which since its recovery from the French in 1815 has graced the collection of the local Town Gallery. John's love of the Romanesque probably accounts for his neglect of the architecture of that church in designing the apse of the transept in which the Virgin and Child sit enthroned, but the scenic effect produced by his treatment of the series of round arches on cylindrical columns and of the pillared ambulatory goes far to compensate for the omission; the beauty of the picture being further enhanced by the ornate carving of the capitals and throne, the gorgeous display of cloth-of-gold and tapestry, and the rich variety of dress and costume, culminating in all the splendour of the archiepiscopal vestments, yet not so overpowering as to dwarf interest in the noble countenance of the wearer. Howbeit, the artist was singularly unfortunate in the subjects appointed to pose for the Virgin and St George, while the Divine Child is probably the least pleasing of his Infant Christs. St. Donatian, however, and the homely yet dignified ecclesiastic typified as the Donor, largely redeem the figure-work from the charge of insignificance. It would appear that the life-size bust of Canon Van der Paele at Hampton Court Palace was a study for the full-length portrait, for at the time the altar-piece was being executed the worthy Canon was already so feeble that since September 1434 he had been dispensed by the Chapter from attendance in choir on the score of infirmity and advanced age.

 

The Three Marys at the Sepulchre (variously attributed to Hubert and
Jan).

 

The Virgin and Child, and Chancellor Rolin, date uncertain (By — van Eyck.—The Louvre, Paris)

 

The sad loss to Art sustained by John van Eyck's death on the 9th of July 1441 is accentuated by the unfinished state in which he left the great triptych on which he was engaged for Nicholas van Maelbeke, Provost of Saint Martin's at Ypres, his largest painting and, had he but lived to complete it, in every respect his masterpiece. As a member of the Duke's house­hold John was buried within the precincts of the collegiate church of St. Donatian, and his remains finally laid to rest some months later within the building, near the font; and an anniversary Requiem Mass, founded at the time, continued to be celebrated until the French invasion in 1792. In death as in life Duke Philip never forgot his faithful friend and servant: within a few days of his decease he sought to solace the widow's grief with a gratuity of 360/. in token of his appreciation of the great master whose death they all mourned, and years after he graciously assisted Livina, the one surviving child of the marriage, and a sister of his own godchild, to enter the Convent of St. Agnes at Maaseyck.

 

A NOTE IN CONCLUSION

 

However representative the great master­pieces which it has been possible to notice within the scope of this monograph, we are far yet from having covered the art of the Van Eycks; and, strangely enough, the same difficulty that is met in apportioning to each his share in the Great Polyptych recurs when seeking to ascribe a number of other paintings which are certainly the work of one or other of the brothers. The study of these will always appeal to the intelligent student of their art, and as a typical example of the group we present the altarpiece known as "The Blessed Virgin and Child and Chancellor Rolin", in the Louvre, Paris: a remarkable work in respect of types, of portraiture, and of landscape, every detail of which has been elaborated to a degree scarcely conceivable. Many other of their paintings are to be found scattered over Europe, along with much that is the work of copyist, pupil, or imitator, too often with idle claims to authenticity; for the influence of the Van Eycks was coextensive with the art world of their day. Truthfulness, it has been observed, was the dominant note of their art, and by their sedulous cultivation of Truth they dominated the art of their age. With John this love of truth amounted well-nigh to a passion; and the reproach of the carping critic to whom beauty of feature alone makes for beauty of portraiture fails of its effect on the true artist mind, to whom the faithful record of all trifling blemishes of the face is but an added testimony and guarantee of the fidelity of the portrait as a portrait of the inner as well as of the outer man. Even a great painter may enhance his present popularity and widen his clientele by a flattering suppression of personal disfigurement, but only to the injury of his fame and the hurt of his own self-respect. John van Eyck scorned to grovel at the feet of Vanity, and with this acknowledgment of the sense and honesty of his sitters he combined the fulfilment of a duty to posterity, for with the true instinct of genius he knew that he was painting not for his own brief day, but for all time, and that, as the founder of a great school of portraiture and the father of landscape art, it behoved him to set an example of the cardinal principle which should direct them. Under any conditions John van Eyck's genius must have asserted itself, but happily it was fortunate in its setting, for the brilliancy of the great Burgundian court and the sumptuous patronage of Duke Philip in the full blaze of his power and glory were invaluable aids to the production and dissemination of his art. Nor did success spoil his sterling nature: amidst all the triumphs of his life his character remained singularly free from the tarnish of empty pride, to the last the exquisite yield of his art being given to the world in a charming spirit of apology so aptly embodied in the simple motto of his choosing, "Als ich kan." And who among all the great painters of the after ages has done better?

 

 

 

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PAINTING HALL