THE BROTHERS VAN EYCK
by
P. G. KONODY & J. CYRIL M. WEALE
Hubert, 1365 (?)-1426 John, 1385 (?)—1441
With an Introduction to the Gothic Age by
Sir Martin Conway
THE GOTHIC AGE
TOWARD the close of the fourteenth century the art of the Low Countries, and that of France and the Rhineland also, were still essentially branches of the great mediaeval Gothic School, though a new life had entered into them and that new life was to change the face of civilization. But the Renaissance, if already heralded, had not yet dawned in the North. No one there was consciously looking back to the achievements of classical days and endeavouring to imitate and revive them. That was to happen, was indeed already beginning to happen, in Italy, but for another hundred years or more the North went its own way and pursued its own traditions and ideals whithersoever they happened to lead. We cannot, therefore, profitably launch forth on the stream of artistic production in the time of the Van Eycks without making ourselves to some degree acquainted with its upper reaches in the great realm of Gothic achievement. It is true that nowadays an author may assume in his readers a much larger acquaintance with the works of mediaeval art than was possible even thirty years ago. Travel has familiarized most intelligent persons, even in England, with the great cathedrals of France and the churches and palaces of Italy. The history of that romantic period is likewise more widely known than of yore. Such outstanding characters as St. Francis of Assisi are men of flesh and blood to many more than could have realized them a generation ago. It will suffice, therefore, in the first instance to quicken the reader's memory rather than to attempt his instruction.
Notwithstanding all the knowledge of records, literature, and art of the mediaeval age, centrally represented by the thirteenth century, it remains, and always must remain, difficult for a modern man to enter into and feel at home in that age. Read, for instance, Mr. Coulton's notable work, From St. Francis to Dante, with its wealth of first-hand descriptive and contemporary reports of men, their sayings, and their astonishing deeds : it is assuredly not easy to imagine oneself living in such surroundings, acting on such motives, and incorporating such peculiar notions. That was indeed a world-epoch wholly different from this in which we live. A world-epoch is not a mere scale of succeeding events, but a vast symphony of action wrought out in the lives of countless men and women. Surely in no age except in the great days of Greece was the output of humanity more wonderful, more splendid than in the Gothic period. Ushered in by the Crusades, when all Western Europe went mad with an ideal, it gave birth to chivalry, to a wonderful conception of human unity as expressed in an imaginary world-empire spiritual and temporal, and to the most complete and in its day entirely lucid and acceptable harmony of social structure and faith. It was an age that built Venice and the great cathedrals, that covered Europe with monastic establishments in which an attempt was made to live for something higher than material satisfaction. It was an age in which the seraphic fire of Francis could blaze in splendour before the enraptured eyes of mankind an age that produced the kingship of St. Louis, the philosophy of Anselm, the enthusiasm for righteousness of Bernard of Clairvaux.
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It was an age, too, of song and wonder, of the almost Homeric Chanson de Roland and the strange worldwandering troubadours. But above everything else it was a great building age, when all that was most aspiring in the minds of men found expression in high-vaulted churches, rich with sculpture. Never were stones more gloriously builded together than by the thirteenth-century masons of royal France. Such a cathedral as that of Reims was not a mere specimen of what could then be made. It and one or two others, but it above them all, was the incorporation of the collective life of the people who were at the head of their age in the culmination of a great world-epoch. The middle-age, as it were, resided in Reims, was therein embodied and entirely expressed. So long as that cathedral stood in all the glory of its unrivalled perfection of mass and detail, the middle-age still existed in full view of modern man. To destroy it was not merely to destroy a beautiful thing that foolish people might imagine could be replaced by another. It was to destroy the chief accomplishment of three hundred years of the labour of the civilized part of Europe, for Reims was in itself a thing commensurate with an epoch of civilization.
ITS CHARACTER
No great Gothic building can be comprehended at a glance. The mass of it, the balance and building of it, do indeed impose upon a spectator an immediate effect, but it is in its details, in its ornaments and accessories, in its recondite parts gradually revealed, that the voice of the edifice is to be heard. Great Gothic churches were intended to be lived with. They were to instruct and delight a settled population, the folk who had made great sacrifices to erect and adorn them. A Moslem religious edifice, such as the Taj, strikes the beholder at first view with the full force of its magnificence and beauty.
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The first vision is the greatest. It is not so with a mighty Gothic cathedral. The impression produced by it grows with time and familiarity. The great mediaeval cathedrals were more than mere places of worship, prayer-books graven in stone. Each was the heart of a city's life. They symbolized and expressed all that mediaeval man believed of the world that was, is, and is to come. There was then no discord between the religion and the daily life of men, as they held it should be lived, nor, consequently, was a different style employed for the adornment of one kind of object or another. There was no special religious architecture, or kind of decoration proper for a church and unsuitable elsewhere. Household implements were embellished with carvings of the subjects that found place in the portals of a cathedral. What the sculptor carved the painter also painted and the embroiderer worked. Not till the Reformation did the wedge enter that was destined to sunder religion from daily life. Before it the two were but different aspects of one thing.
Mediaeval art, like mediaeval religion, reflected every side of life and tried to express the many moods and humours of men. Just as folk-festivals and religious solemnities followed one another in the same building, alike under saintly and angelic patronage, so art changed from grave to gay, from serious to grotesque, in the faith that the eyes which regard mankind from Eternity's stillness look with equal favour upon hours of merriment and of worship, and find as much to approve in the labour of a man's hands as in the emotions of his puzzled heart. The life of Christ, to the Gothic mind, was a permeating influence throughout all human life. The husbandman at his plough and the churchman at his prayers were both performing a religious function. Hence the common introduction in cathedral portals and windows of the occupation of the months, these occupations being as much a part of the Christian religion as were the events of the life of Christ, its founder.
A PORTAL AT CHARTRES
In the Cathedral of Chartres the full-toned voice of a great mediaeval church may still be heard the things about which it spoke and the manner of its speaking. That cathedral possesses in tolerable condition three fine sculptured porches by which entry is made from north, west, and south. Let us take the north porch as typical of the rest. It tells chiefly of the Virgin and of her sweet influence, which, to the Gothic mind, embraced all the thoughts and actions of men and angels in the visible and invisible worlds. This porch contains three doorways, each filled above and on either side with sculpture. Over and before them is a richly wrought atrium. In all there are upward of seven hundred carved figures, large and small, many of a high order of beauty.
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The central figure is a colossal statue of St. Anne, holding the Virgin in her arms, and standing upon a bracket carved with the story of Joachim. Overhead the chief subjects are the Dormition, Assumption, and Coronation of the Virgin. Three incidents from the birth and early days of the infant Jesus are carved over the door on the left, their purpose being to tell the central fact of the Virgin's life; in a corresponding position on the right are the Judgment of Solomon and the sufferings of Job as examples of Justice and Patience, the leading virtues of the Virgin herself. The setting for these central jewels is of an astonishing richness, every subject hereafter mentioned being so placed as to suggest sidelights of thought, by connexion with its neighbours above and below and contrast with those that balance it in corresponding positions. There are forty-two colossal statues, twenty-six of Saints and Prophets, two representing the Annunciation, two the Visitation, two the symbolical figures of Synagogue and Church, two the Active and Contemplative life, while the remaining eight are intended as monuments of the royal and noble personages by whose munificence or under whose rule this great work was done. These forty-two persons stand upon brackets carved with subjects illustrative of their lives. Around the arched-over part of each door come rows of angels in the voussures, some being the angels of the sun, moon, and stars. Then there are the physical and spiritual ancestors of the Virgin and a number of representatives of the human race in adoration of the Lady of Pity. To these succeed sets of carvings of chief incidents in the lives of Samson and Gideon, Esther and Judith, Tobit, Samuel, and David each chosen as example of one side or another of the ideal character. Further, we have the whole story of the Creation, the Fall, and the condemnation of man to a life of labour and sorrow. Here, therefore, the Occupations of the Months find place and with them the Signs of the Zodiac and figures emblematic of Summer and Winter. The Arts and Sciences follow, and the various modes of life, active and contemplative; then, as warning and example, the ten Virgins of the parable, the twelve Fruits of the Holy Spirit, the fourteen Beatitudes of body and soul, and the seven Virtues overcoming the seven Vices. The whole is surmounted by a seated figure of God Most High in the attitude of benediction. This is but the decoration of a single portal of the church.
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Bear in mind that there is another porch as richly sculptured as this one, and a third less rich, as being the work of a previous generation which was feeling its way. The church within was as vocal as without. What paintings may have adorned its walls we know not, but its windows, filled with storied glass, still exist. Over each great porch is a vast rose window; they represent respectively, the Last Judgment, the Glory of Christ, and the Glory of the Virgin. Beside these there are 125 doublelight windows, 35 smaller roses, and 12 yet smaller. Almost all the painted glass with which these openings are enriched dates from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The windows were gifts, many presented by guilds of workmen of the town. In these the occupations of the trades are sometimes shown, subjects drawn directly from the folk-life of the day. Others were gifts from nobles, who are represented by figures in contemporary costume, though not portraits. One donor and his wife are shown playing chess and pray why not? But the greater part of the pictures deals with incidents, in the lives of Christ and the Virgin and of some fifty saints. There are, besides, the Apostles, the nine orders of angelic hierarchies, the Patriarchs and Prophets of the Old Testament, the parables of the Prodigal Son, the Good Samaritan, and the Ten Virgins, as well as illustrations of rarer types, such as the Virgin holding in her lap the Seven Gifts of the Spirit. One window shows a set of types and antitypes from the Old and New Testaments; others have again the Occupations of the Months and the Signs of the Zodiac; one with the Stem of Jesse is copied from a famous original, a few years older, which was at St. Denis and was likewise repeated at Le Mans, Canterbury, and elsewhere. A few are filled with a finely decorative grisaille.
THE PRIMACY OF ARCHITECTURE
The range of subjects at the disposal of the Gothic artist was thus by no means small, yet it was in practice restricted to such compositions as were understood and could easily be recognized by an unlearned public. An artist was not asked for novelty but for lucidity and a decorative effect. Painters, sculptors, embroiderers, miniaturists all alike worked in subordination to architecture. Most of the beautiful things made were intended to be used in, and to harmonize with, a great building. Everyone then knew that a female figure holding a lamp upside down was one of the Foolish Virgins, and that a woman with a wheel was St. Catherine. An artist had only to jog the memory of the spectator so far as subject was concerned, but he had more especially to delight his eye, and that was where his art came in. As rich decoration, not in sculpture only, but in painted sculpture, was an essential part of Gothic architecture at that time, so painting and all the other arts were mere handmaids of architecture. Throughout the Dark Ages, from the fifth to the tenth or eleventh century, the leading art had been that of the goldsmith, as in times of insecurity was not unnatural. By the thirteenth century even that had been brought under the sway of the architect, as any silver or gold bookbinding will show, for on them you will find figures in high relief under elaborate canopies, which would serve equally well as designs for the sculptured niches and their contained figures on any cathedral front. So, too, it was with painting. Pictures, whether on walls or the pages of manuscripts, were in truth coloured sculpture in architectural frames depicted on the flat. The background is of plain gold or resembles a decorated hanging or patterned wallsurface. Against this the figures are relieved in coloured silhouette. Their number is the least lucidity required. The grouping is simple and approximately symmetrical. Each figure is quiet in pose and drapery. Colours are flat; few are employed, and those bright and pure blue, red, green, and so forth. All is reserved, direct, and yet brilliant. The figures, moreover, are of one type. They express one ideal character, except where vicious men have to be portrayed, and then the mediaeval artist fails. Faces are not intellectual, neither are they individual. They possess none of the qualities of a portrait. They depict types, not persons.
What was the ideal thus everywhere attempting to get itself expressed by successive generations of artists in all countries of the west, and especially in France? It was the ideal which generated the devotion of saint and monk and nun, and sent men in their thousands to the Holy Land to fight battles for an ideal Lord. It was the ideal which remade Europe after the Teutonic hosts had once almost destroyed it; which raised the new peoples from the grovelling savagery of the invasions and taught them to be reverent, generous, just, and true. It was this which has bred whatever of manliness and righteous life is in us even to this present day; an ideal which has fastened itself as permanently in our thoughts, let
us hope, as in our language, and if it had left behind no greater monument than the name of "gentleman", would in that alone have bequeathed a richer heritage than many a conquering race in all its works of pride.
For a hundred years, no more, harmony in government, social life, religion, and art was maintained about as perfectly as is possible in this imperfect, ever-changing world. By the fourteenth century the culminating days had passed. Feudalism was dying or dead. The monastic orders were growing corrupt. The pecuniary exactions of the Church were being resented. The balance of classes was becoming unstable. Most ominous of all, society was no longer completely permeated by a single ideal, dimly or grossly perceived by the masses, finely by the elect, sufficiently by all. When Jewish philosophers introduced the works of Averroes and the Moslem philosophers to the philosophers of Christendom, and thereby gave emphasis to the inevitable opposition between Nominalist and Realist, the seed of the Reformation was sown. The Averroists of the thirteenth century William of St. Amour and the rest were succeeded in the fourteenth by Wicklif, in the fifteenth by Huss, and in the sixteenth by Luther. Revived individualism was sapping the foundations of mediaeval socialism alike in Church and State. In the thirteenth century religious ideas and ecclesiastical forms and government were in harmony. After the thirteenth century ideas were steadily changing, but forms were maintained by vested interests. An ultimate cataclysm was assured.
THE MYSTICS
For the student of art the fourteenth century spiritualists or "mystics" are a notable group of men, whose centre of life was in the valley of the Rhine. That was an awful time of wars, famines, and the Black Death. In presence of these physical horrors sensitive souls were driven to turn from the material to the spiritual, from the darkness without to a light within. Such were Meister Eckhardt, Tauler, Suso, and many more. They had no thought of sundering themselves from the Church, but they raised their voices against the lewdness and luxury of Churchmen and the growing formalism of the folk. They did not preach penance, good works, and the like. They endeavoured rather to transfer to others the enthusiastic yearning of their own souls after God, after holiness, and the new life that followed upon an entire surrender of the soul to Christ.
"The mystic", wrote Mr. Beard in his Hibbert Lectures, " is one who claims to be able to see God and Divine things with the inner vision of the soul a direct apprehension, as the bodily eye apprehends colour, as the bodily ear apprehends sound. His method, as far as he has one, is simply contemplation; he does not argue or generalize, or infer; he reflects, broods, waits for light. He prepares for Divine communion by a process of self-purification : he detaches his spirit from earthly cares and passions; he studies to be quiet that his still soul may reflect the face of God. He usually sits loose to active duty; for him the felt presence of God dwarfs the world and makes it common : he is so dazzled by the glory of the one great object of contemplation, that he sees and cares for little else. . . . The mystic is always more or less indistinct in utterance : he sees, or thinks he sees, more than he can tell : the realities which he contemplates are too vast, too splendid, too many-sided to be confined within limits of human words. . . . Give a mystic the thought of God, and his mind wants and can contain no more : from a soul so filled, all peculiarities of ecclesiastical time and place drop away as useless shell or indifferent garment. This is the reason why the works of great mystics have always been the world's favourite books of devotion."
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Such were the mystics of the Rhine Valley and the Low Countries "Brethren of the Free Spirit", "Friends of God", and other open or secret fellowships. Their leaders attracted large congregations. No organized movement at once resulted or was desired, but individual lives were changed and individual thought germinated. An all-sided effort, social, religious, political, industrial, artistic, had piled up the great Gothic cathedrals. The whole round of national life and thought was embodied in them. No such monumental result could come from the ferment of the mystics. Moreover, pomp of ceremonial, and all of doctrine and circumstance that it implied or involved, were discordant with their feelings. What they desired was more fervour in private devotion, more ecstasy of the soul in contact with the Divine. Whatever could help toward that they fostered; all else was nothing to them. If we are to find mediaeval mysticism expressed in art, we shall have to look for it, not in the architecture of the thirteenth, but in the small and highly finished pictures and manuscript illuminations of the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
After the Black Death, in the middle of the fourteenth century, a change took place in Gothic architecture and the allied arts. Its monumental character gradually deserted it. Great wall-spaces are fewer. Clustered columns become slenderer and more multiplex, tracery more intricate and less geometrical. Ornamental details increase in number and delicacy. Lines are more flowing; vaulted roofs more complicated; interiors more spacious and light. Architecture, in fact, tends toward the picturesque. Sculpture advances with equal stride in the same direction. Rows of colossal figures, which in the thirteenth century stand in monumental calm, now begin to awake as to the actual world. They turn this way and that. They appear to be conversing one with another. The Virgin smiles. The Child lovingly strokes her cheek or extends His hand toward the spectator.
THE COLOGNE PAINTERS
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Cologne was no great centre of Gothic architecture, but affords an interesting example of this change. Here are some noteworthy dates. Her cathedral was founded about the beginning of the last quarter of the thirteenth century, and its enormous choir was finished about the end of the first quarter of the fourteenth built in fact during the last half-century of the great Gothic building age. Then the building activity slackened. Years went by and little was added to the pile. The old socialistic architectural spirit, with all that it implied, ceased in the city about the time of the consecration of the choir. Turn now to the last half of the fourteenth century, and what do we see? No longer a building activity, but a busy group of painters, Meister Wilhelm, perhaps, at their head, and all the Rhineland filling with pictures. That is one indication of the social, religious, and intellectual change that synchronized with the growth and prevalence of mysticism. Away off in distant Hamburg too, and in Bohemia, and up at the Rhine-head about Lake Constance, the same change was taking place in the last part of the fourteenth century : here sooner, there later, according to local circumstances; but the limits of our subject cannot be so widely outstepped as to bring these movements into present consideration. A word or two about what happened in the Cologne region may suffice as typical of all.
Meister Wilhelm has been named, but in fact when his name has been written down there is not much more to add that is known for certain about him. A certain Wilhelm, born at Herle near Cologne, bought a house in the city in 1357, seems to have attained a good position among the people, and died about 1380. He may have been the Meister Wilhelm of whom the Limburg Chronicle notes in connexion with the year 1380 that he was then active, and that he "painted a man as though he were alive". A few beautiful pictures of the Cologne School have come down to us from about that date. Whether any of them are by him who can say? His name is a useful label for the period and style.
The most extensive picture of the kind is the altar-piece in Cologne Cathedral, called the St. Clara altar, which, one would suppose, must have been painted by the head of the local school at the time. It is Gothically architectural enough in general aspect, with its rows of moulded arcading surmounted by cusped and crocketed pediments, but the paintings within these frames are not architectural at all. Here the new spirit is plainly declared its playful tenderness, its slender grace, its "sweetness and light". There is none of the old stateliness, but a gentle domestic humanity instead. See how in the Nativity the Babe leans out from the manger and tries to reach His mother's cheek to kiss it, the while the ass licks His head, and the little angels, fluttering in the air above, make music on their rudimentary instruments. Or note how happily father and mother unite to bathe the Child in His tub, she tenderly holding Him, he pouring warm water over His back from a copper pot angels overhead busy as before. The spirit that animates the compositions determines also the human types : slenderness of body, purity of expression, grace and simplicity of flowing line. Of course the colouring is bright against the gold background, the patterns pretty, all details pleasantly decorative. Happiness is the keynote, happiness in domesticity in a world of people of good will. That was the kind of ideal place the much-tried folk of those days pictured as a haven of rest from the evils of this world.
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Or turn to the little Madonna pictures, intended doubtless for private oratories rather than church altars. They must have been numerous, though few have survived; such are the Virgin with the pea-blossom at Nuremberg and the little triptych in Cologne Museum with Catherine and Barbara on the wings. In the St. Clara altar we had incidents in the life of the Holy Family, but here we have Virgin and Child held up for adoration. Older generations in such case made of her a queen, majestic and aloof. Already at Amiens the Vierge dorée had descended somewhat from that high estate; now she has approached yet nearer to the human heart. She has become lovable as a woman, whom one need not fear to address, a gentle friend who calls for affection rather than homage, and will pour forth the protection of love rather than of power. Clearly into this presence only the pure of heart can happily enter, but they will find themselves indeed at home.
The religion of the thirteenth century was a side of the whole life of a people. Barter and sale, manufacture and war, alike then presented a religious aspect. But if thereby the ordinary actions and affairs of life seemed to receive a divine sanction, the ideals of faith tended also to be dragged through the mire. When the enthusiasm of mediaeval faith lost some of its vitality, this dragging down of religion became painful to the more spiritually minded, and a reaction followed. It drove the mystery plays out of the churches into the market-places and produced other like changes. The movement of the mystics was part of this reaction. In one sense they tended to sunder religion from the daily life of ordinary folk. They laid stress upon a change of heart rather than upon ceremonies and conformities. Not the visible functions of the Church, but inward emotions were for them of prime importance. The acts of life were indeed to manifest the changed heart, but it was the change that was vital, not the acts. Thus, for them, private contemplation and private devotion were raised to the first place; public worship sank to a lower level. The necessary worldliness and pomp of ceremonial of the great symbolic religion were distasteful to these forerunners of the Reformation. Hence the novel type of this mystical Madonna. This ideal Lady evidently would be out of place over a shop-door. She could be the dream of a poet or a pure maiden, but hardly the inspiration for a life of rough-and-tumble action in a workaday world. She belongs to the oratory, not the market-place.
PARADISE PICTURES
Another type of painting expressive of mystic ideals is the "Paradise" picture. The type did not come into existence much before the fifteenth century, one of the earliest examples being, perhaps, the central panel of a little triptych at Berlin with St. Elizabeth and St. Agnes on the wings. It may date from about 1400. Here the Virgin and four Saintesses are seated upon a flowery sward. The naked Child in His mother's arms plunges His hand into Dorothy's flower-basket and will give a blossom to Catherine who holds out her dainty little bag for it. Barbara and Margaret contentedly look on. How different from the Gothic altar-pieces of less than a century before, in which each saint stands solemnly in his own niche, emblem in hand to tell his name! This fanciful, wayward, mystic treatment comes nearer to the spirit of the old legends, framed when Christianity was young.
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Here, for instance, is the tale they told about this same Dorothy, fair and pious maiden of Cappadocia. Condemned to death for her faith, she said, "So be it; the sooner shall I stand in the presence of Him whom I most desire to behold, the Son of God, Christ mine espoused! His dwelling is in Paradise; by His side are joys eternal, and in His garden grow celestial fruits and roses that never fade". On her way to martyrdom, one Theophilus, a youth, called to her mockingly, "Ha! fair maiden, goest thou to join thy bridegroom? Send me, I pray thee, of the fruits and flowers of that same garden : I would fain taste of them". And Dorothy, looking on him, inclined her head with a gentle smile and said, "Thy request, O Theophilus, is granted." Whereat he laughed aloud. When she came to the place of execution, she knelt down and prayed; and suddenly there appeared at her side a beautiful boy, with hair bright as sunbeams. In his hand was a basket with three apples and three fresh-gathered fragrant roses. She said to him, "Carry those to Theophilus; say that Dorothea hath sent them, and that I go before him to the garden whence they came, and await him there". The angel sought Theophilus and found him still in merry mood about Dorothy's promise. He set before him the basket of celestial flowers and fruit, saying "Dorothea sends thee these," and so vanished.
Here is the very atmosphere of the mystic artist. The Gothic painter would have depicted a stately maiden standing upright in a niche with a basket in her hand. The artist of the mystic school lets his fancy play; takes the old symbols and makes toys of them. His art becomes lyrical, and is invested with a new kind of charm which painting was better suited than sculpture to express.
A well-known picture at Frankfurt, dating from some twenty years later, shows how quickly the new style grew. In it we have no ordered grouping of courtiers about a central queen, but a true mediaeval garden within the embattled outer wall of some castle enclosure, a raised bed of flowers up against it, and quantities of blossoms growing out of the grass, as only in Dorothy's garden could they grow, untrammelled by the seasons. She is there picking cherries into her basket with her back unceremoniously turned to the Virgin, who is reading in a book, which might be a romance for all one can tell. Cicely and the Babe are strumming on a cithern. Elizabeth is drinking at a fountain. Three young knights form a group conversing together. The birds are all tame, the flowers in full blossom, the sky clear. What a delightful world! No wonder the new ideas were found acceptable and the new style flourished.
The monuments, which the central mediaeval age had created, remained a precious memorial and potential force of great power, capable of affecting individual men and women of any day with a sense of what was noblest in the heart of mankind at a great epoch of the world but the old spirit was gone. So it always must be in a universe for ever "becoming". "The old order changeth, yielding place to new, And God fulfils Himself in many ways." Only by dying can a man enter fully even into the whole of his own life.
THE ADVENT OF THE VAN EYCKS
THE advent of the Van Eycks is the most
important landmark in the history of painting in northern Europe. With them we
open an entirely new chapter, for although the value of oil in various inferior
processes of the art had been ascertained and availed of at an earlier period,
it was entirely due to their long and painstaking experiments that its use was
perfected as the vehicle of colouring matter in
picture-painting. Unfortunately, time and its worst incidentals have
obliterated the evidence which would have enabled us to follow the development
of this new method, just as they have robbed us of all the earlier work of its
original expounders, leaving us at the same time much too inconsiderable
remains for a comprehensive survey of the school of which they were the
finished product. It is a disconcerting experience to encounter primarily the
lifework of two such eminent painters at a stage when they were already in the
plenitude of their powers, and an experience that must always tax the ingenuity
of the student and critic of their art. Particularly is this the case in
respect of the elder brother, for the ascertained facts of Hubert's history are
restricted to the last two years of his life (1425-26), while of the
masterpieces he bequeathed to posterity only one can be said to be absolutely
authenticated, though of others generally ascribed to him several may safely be
accepted as genuine.
John's career, on the
other hand, can be traced back to 1424, but the chronology from that date to
his death in 1441 is fairly ample, while he has left us a rich heritage of
attested paintings to exemplify the varying aspects of his remarkable genius.
It was in the nature of things that the monastic institutions, which in
the early Middle Ages were exclusively the nurseries of learning and of the
arts and crafts, should have infected these with the mystic spirit induced by
the more or less contemplative life its inmates led. More especially must this
have been so when we consider that their labours were
wholly in the service of religion. As time went on, and monasticism progressed
from the pursuit to the dissemination of knowledge, the pupils developed under
its influence were naturally imbued with the same spirit, and so a tradition
grew up and spread which held undisputed sway for a considerable period in the
various centres where artists congregated and formed
schools. In the earlier Rhenish school of Coin this was the dominant note of
its art, which it cherished and
sustained in all its purity and simplicity to a later period than any of
its offshoots and rivals; for as its teaching extended, more particularly
northwards, we are conscious of a weakening of its traditions, of a gradual
evolution from the spiritual idealism of its mystic brotherhood to the more
humanistic realism that is the distinctive feature of Netherlandish art, from the utter sinking of personality to the frank assertion of individuality.
Nor does this divergence necessarily bespeak a weakening of religious
vitality: rather is it to be ascribed to a marked difference of temperament and
race characteristics. Neither could this change have been as abrupt as might
appear from the scant remains of the art of the period. It was a natural
growth, the one inherent quality of all such developments, ever tending to the
elaboration of a higher type, and eventually producing its finest
exemplification in the person of Hubert van Eyck. In his younger brother, on
the other hand, who almost belonged to another generation, we soon note a more
striking falling away from the earlier ideals, and in the event an almost total
emancipation from the canons of the mystic school, the explanation of which is
probably to be sought in an equally marked difference of character and
temperament in the two brothers: the one more poetic and imaginative, the
other more objective and materialistic; the one drawing his inspiration from a
humble and devout cultivation of art by the light of the sanctuary, the other
from a devotion to art for art's sole sake, involving all the difference that
divides the expression of beauty of thought and mere beauty of form, the
spiritual and the intellectual: each nevertheless supreme in his own sphere,
and wielding an influence and authority destined to leave their impress on all
the afterwork of the school.
Jan Arnolfini and Jeanne de Chenany, his wife By Jan van Eyck.
It is difficult to refrain from what would appear an overuse of the
superlative in dealing with John van Eyck's works, but if the writer might be
allowed an indulgence he would unhesitatingly avail himself of it to the full
in connection with the exquisite panel for the possession of which
we are indebted to the honourable wounds which were
the seal of Major-General Hay's part in the battle of Waterloo. After wandering
about Europe as the cherished possession first of Don Diego de Guevara, councillor of Maximilian and Archduke Charles and
Majordomo of Joan, Queen of Castile; next of Margaret of Austria, Governess of
the Netherlands; subsequently of Mary of Hungary, and eventually of Charles
III of Spain, it fell into the acquisitive hands of the French invader of the
Peninsula, and by some strange freak of fortune strayed to the apartments at
Brussels in which the gallant major-general was nursed to recovery, from whose
landlord he purchased it, the National Gallery in the end becoming its owner,
in 1842, for the trifling sum of £730. It is the picture of a newly married
couple in a homely Flemish interior, and in their attempts to solve an
imaginary riddle critics have given their somewhat prolific powers of
imagination an unusually free rein. For instance, the peculiar manner in which
the bride sustains the gathered folds of her skirt—shown by comparison with
figures of virgin saints in other of Van Eyck's paintings to have been a
passing fashion of the day, if an ungraceful one—suggested to some the near
approach of her lying-in, the bedstead in the background as well as the figure
of St. Margaret (a favourite of women in expectation
of childbirth) surmounting the back of the armchair naturally tending to
confirm the impression; in corroboration of which the attitude of husband and
wife—though the direction of look in neither lends support to the theory—is
explained as a venture in chiromancy, the adept bridegroom endeavouring to read in the lines
of his wife's hand the future of the coming infant: a variant
elucidation representing the husband as solemnly protesting his paternity to an
inexistent crowd of neighbours at the open door,
seeing that the ingenious reflection of the scene in the circular convex mirror
on the far wall reveals but two additional figures, probably the painter and
his apprentice. Without recourse to fancy, the attitude of bridegroom and
bride, hand in hand, might readily have been seen to symbolise the perfect union begot of a happy marriage. John's love of domesticity is
abundantly displayed in all the detail of the work—the chandelier, with lighted
taper, dependent from the ceiling, the aumbry with
its couple of oranges, the cushioned bench by the window, the dainty pair of
red shoes on the carpet by the bedside, the pattens of white wood with black leather latchets in the foreground, even to the
dusting-brush hung on the arm-chair, and the pet griffin terrier, all helping
to heighten the intimacy of the scene; while the cherry-tree in full bloom,
seen through the open window against a sky of clear blue, serves to fix the
season of the year in which the picture was painted. The portraits are of John Arnolfini and Joan Cenani: the
former, in later years, was knighted and appointed a chamberlain at his court
by Duke Philip, and from the circumstance of his burial in the chapel of the Lucchese merchants at the Austin Friars' we may presume
both his nationality and calling; the latter, considered in respect of certain
features, especially the eyes, eyebrows, and nose, suggests a sufficient
likeness to warrant the surmise that she was a younger sister of Van Eyck's
wife. The panel, which is in an almost perfect state of preservation, is a fine
example of the painter's vigour of delineation and
perfect blending of colour, both as regards the
interior and the figures, the transparency of shadow in the flesh-tints showing
the utmost delicacy of touch. The picture bears date 1434.
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THE TIMES OF THE BROTHERS VAN EYCK
THE unusual activity which during the latter half of the fourteenth and
the first half of the fifteenth centuries throbbed throughout the whole of the
Netherlands forms one of the most interesting and surprising studies of
national progress that history has furnished.
Geographically and politically, in her arts and in her industries, the
country was affected by changes both radical and lasting. Some years before the
period which embraces the life of the subjects of this biographical sketch, the
German Ocean had invaded the northern territory of the Netherlands, and had disorganised
a Parliament and divided a people. At the beginning of the thirteenth century
over the whole of that low-lying and marshy tract between Kampen on the east
and Amsterdam to westward, and southward to within sight of Nieukerk, the North
Sea swept in upon the
inland lake of Flevo, swallowing thousands of hamlets, villages, and
towns suddenly and completely. Until this time there had been but one
Friesland, including Holland, divided only by the Vlie, a small stream hardly
to be counted a river. Now East Friesland and West Friesland were divided by
this vast stretch of water, the stormy and dangerous Zuyderzee, and it became
impossible for Holland to send her representatives to the general assemblies at
Aurich. West Friesland was absorbed by Holland, and East Friesland became a
self-governing State, and remained such until the power of Charles V was
established. Thus politically as well as geographically was the country
disrupted by the forces of Nature.
To trace the rise of the Netherlands as a European Power from a more
remote period than the beginning of the fourteenth century would be beyond the
range of this sketch; but for the purpose of showing the general advance of
the country's interests a brief summary of the events culminating in the
wellnigh despotic power of the House of Burgundy may refresh the reader's mind,
as they affect the constitution of the nation, and may serve to point cause
and effect in the increasing prosperity of the country and in the resulting
advance of art; for just as the political influence of the Burgundian Princes
spread from their hereditary provinces first over Flanders and Brabant— over
that part of the Netherlands which is now known as Belgium—and finally over the
Dutch provinces, so the current of art swept from Burgundy to Flanders and
thence to Holland.
At the beginning of the fourteenth century Holland was ruled by the
House of Avennes, Counts of Hainault. Holland having previous to the accession
of the Avennes annexed Zeeland, the three provinces may almost be regarded as
the nucleus of the Dutch power. William IV, last of the Hainault line, died
childless in 1355. His death was the signal for the outbreak of a long and
spasmodic series of civil disturbances between the nobles and the cities and
municipalities. These parties, known by the titles of the Hooks and the
Kabblejaus (codfish), continued their intermittent strife throughout the
succeeding 150 years. In the meantime William IV was succeeded by William of
Bavaria. Then followed his brother Albert, who was in turn succeeded by his son
William VI. At the death of the latter
the reins of government were left in the uncertain hands of his young
daughter, Jacqueline, a girl of seventeen. Jacqueline, it appears, led anything
but a happy life. Her cousin, Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, for thirteen
years plundered and robbed her, and at her death in 1437 he had already
dispossessed her of her lands and reduced her from the position of Sovereign to
that of Lady Forester in her own provinces, whilst for himself he had laid the
foundation of that Greater Netherlands which by conquest and annexation he
proceeded to extend.
Having acquired the principal Netherlands and inherited the two
Burgundies and the counties of Flanders and Artois, he had purchased the
county of Namur, usurped the duchy of Brabant, and annexed the barony of
Mechlin. A few years later he acquired also the duchy of Luxembourg.
Philip was now the ruler of what may be termed a kingdom of several
peoples, who, though in a measure distinct, were of similar temperament and
character, and who may be counted now as one. Never has conqueror been in a
happier position when faced with the problem of welding together his conquests.
For Philip ruled those whose interests were similar, and whose characteristics
were almost identical—a people born of the sea, strong and fearless, who had
lived by strife with their fellows and by strife with Nature; a people born to
toil and to hardship, whose battle for life had been with Nature herself—a race
which for centuries had fought with swamp and water year in, year out,
conquering a mile of morass or patch of barren furze, striving for the soil to
live upon, working not for gold, but for life. This nation had now become a
power of natural strength and of dominating physique, virile and live and
expansive, whose sons, with brooms at their mastheads, should later sweep the
seas from whose destructive embrace she had succeeded in wresting herself.
Under the rule of the Burgundian the prosperity of the Netherlands
rapidly increased. In Holland and in Flanders, in Brabant and in the other
leading provinces, industry and wealth, agriculture, commerce, and
manufactures, were ever augmenting. While Philip, in the zenith of his power,
flushed with the passion and success of territorial acquisition, busied himself
with the glorification of his sovereignty by founding at Bruges, amid a scene
of indescribable splendour, the Order of the Golden Fleece, "to the honour
of God, of the Blessed Virgin, and of the holy Andrew," a principle more
potent than even territorial power was evolving. For in Haarlem an
undistinguished sexton wrestled with the intricacies of the printing-press.
Lorenz Coster was printing his book of the Dutch language. The question as to
the time and place of the invention of printing will probably never be settled
to the satisfaction of Holland and Germany; but the men of Haarlem still claim
upon very sound and substantial evidence that between 1423 and 1440 their
citizen was the first to employ movable type, which is generally considered the
invention of printing proper, as distinguished from the more ancient block-printing.
Whatever objection may be legitimately raised to the application of the
title "The Good" to a ruler of Philip's character, this Burgundian
had many of the qualities that go to the making of a successful monarch. His
military talents were considerable; his political methods, though despotic,
were practicable. Though he taxed the wealth of his country, he protected and
encouraged the commerce and manufactures of Holland and Flanders, their arts
and crafts, science and literature. He founded at Bruges the famous Burgundian
Library. He remodelled, and to some extent endowed, the University of Louvain.
His munificence and princely generosity attracted to his Court at Bruges men of
letters like Oliver de la Marche and Philippe de Commines, and famous
painters like Jan van Eyck, and perhaps, though we lack documentary evidence,
his elder brother Hubert, who gave, perhaps, more to the art of painting than
even did Coster to the art of printing, or Philip himself to the sciences of
statesmanship and war.
The most salient points in the life and work of these two brothers, who
close the period of stiff Gothic medievalism and stand on the threshold of
modern art, and whose improvements in the technical methods of their art
opened up to their successors unthought-of possibilities, are shrouded in deep
mystery, and the most recent research to which a number of thoroughly competent
scientific experts have devoted themselves, whilst producing many ingenious
theories and deductions, has, in a certain sense, added to the confusion by
throwing doubt upon the authenticity of documents and inscriptions which had
formerly passed undisputed, and formed the basis of the unstable edifice that
had been erected around the vague fame of the brothers Van Eyck. This
uncertainty begins with the parentage and the place and date of birth of the
two masters, and extends to the two supreme achievements to which they owe
their fame—the reputed invention of oil-painting, which was variously ascribed
to Hubert and Jan, then denied to both of them, and, finally, given back to
Hubert in the form of an improvement on the methods of oil-painting practised
during the period; and the much-quoted inscription on the famous Ghent
altar-piece, The Adoration of the Lamb, which has been, and must remain, the
starting-point for all research in this matter, even though the late Henri
Bouchot, Keeper of the Print Cabinet of the Bibliothfcque Nationale, suggests
that this inscription may have been added when the picture was restored in the
middle of the sixteenth century. At every turn we are faced by similar doubts
and contradictions, especially in the case of Hubert, about whose life and
doings we have so little documentary evidence that we have to fall back
entirely upon conjecture and deduction.
The Man with the Pinks (Berlin Museum)By Jan van Eyck.
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HUBERT VAN EYCK
IF Joes van Eyck and Margaret van den Huntfanghe, who are entered in the
register of the Ghent Guild of Painters for 1391, are the parents of the two
masters who have made the name of Van Eyck immortal, we should have proof of
their descent from artistic stock, which may be taken for granted in view of
the fact that not only Hubert and Jan, but also a third brother, Lambert, and a
sister, Margaret, devoted themselves to the art of painting, though Lambert—if
he really be responsible for the pictures which stand to his credit—was a man
of but mediocre talent; whilst we have no evidence of the activity of Margaret,
who was most probably a miniaturist or illuminator.
It is believed that Hubert (or Huybrecht) van Eyck was born at Maaseyck,
or perhaps at the village of Eyck near that town, between 1366 and 1370, and
that he received his artistic training either at Cologne or at Maastricht; but
the first definite mention we have of him is in Ghent, where he eventually
settled, and where, in 1424, the archives record that he was paid certain sums
for drawings. Though Mr. Weale and other authorities hold the view that, before
settling in Ghent, Hubert must have travelled to the South of Europe, there is
absolutely no evidence to this effect. The paintings of the two brothers
certainly contain details which reveal intimate acquaintance with Southern
vegetation and mountain formation; but, as will be seen later, Mr. Alfred Marks
has fairly well established the fact that the younger brother, Jan, must be
held responsible for such paintings or portions of paintings as prove the
knowledge of Nature in the South of Europe.
The name of Hubert van Eyck occurs in two other documents, quoted by
Edmond de Busscher in his "Recherches sur les Peintres Gantois", but
the authenticity of both these entries has lately been questioned. The first of
them, which is proved to be a forgery, records the admission of Hubert and of
his sister, Margaret, into the Confraternity of Our Lady of the Rays at Ghent
in 1419; the other the affiliation of Hubert and Jan, in 1421, to the
Corporation of Painters and Sculptors of Ghent.
According to the wording of the latter entry, it may be gathered that
the election of the two masters was so enthusiastic and unanimous that the
Corporation dispensed with the conditions and formalities usual on the
admission of free masters to the guild. This unusual affiliation, of which the
Livve du Metier Gantois does not reveal another example, is there quoted as a
homage rendered to the memory of Michelle de France, Countess of Flanders, and
first wife of Philip the Good, who appears to have held the two brothers in
special favour. The Corporation, in thus granting to them the professional
franchise of Ghent, at the same time expressed their esteem for their talent,
and the pious remembrance in which they held the memory of their Queen Consort.
Of Hubert's early work we have absolutely no record, and no picture is
known which bears his signature. Indeed, the only paintings which can with
absolute certainty be assigned to him are the great Ghent altar-piece, painted
for Jodoc Vydt, on which he was engaged at the time of his death, and which was
finished six years later by his brother Jan; and the shutter of a triptych at
the Royal Gallery at Copenhagen, which represents Robert Poortier, of Ghent, protected by St.
Anthony, with the Angel Gabriel on the reverse. Robert Poor- tier's will, made
in 1426, a few months before Hubert's death, mentions this triptych as being in
the master's workshop. On the internal evidence of these two authentic works
attempts have been made to trace Hubert's hand in several other pictures,
though their number is so far restricted to only seven. It has been suggested
that Hubert may in the earlier years of his career have devoted himself to
miniature painting; and the wonderful Turin miniatures published by M. Paul
Durrieu in the Gazette des Beaux-Arts (January and February, 1903), which date
from the same period, show such marked kinship with Hubert's conception and
style that they may well be the work of his own hand. The scarcity of his
paintings would thus be accounted for if, anterior to the experiments which
led to the invention of the new method of oil-painting about 1410, Hubert had
exercised his rare gifts in a different field.
From the wording of his epitaph, which has been handed down to us, it is
made clear that Hubert died on September 18, 1426. As translated by Sir
Charles Eastlake, in his ''Materials for a History of Oil-Painting", this
epitaph runs as follows: "Take warning from me, ye who walk over me. I
was as you are, but am now buried dead beneath you. Thus it appears that
neither art nor medicine availed me. Art, honour, wisdom, power, affluence, are
not spared when death comes. I was called Hubert van Eyck; I am now food for
worms. Formerly known and highly honoured in painting, this was all shortly
after turned to nothing. It was in the year of the Lord one thousand four
hundred and twenty-six, on the eighteenth day of September, that I rendered up
my soul to God, in sufferings. Pray God for me, ye who love art, that I may
attain to His sight. Flee sin, turn to the best, for you must follow me at
last." Hubert was buried in the crypt of the Cathedral of St. Bavo at
Ghent. When, owing to some structural alterations to the church, this crypt was
destroyed, the tombs, including Hubert's, were removed and the bones dispersed.
Only Hubert's right arm was placed in an iron case and exhibited as a relic.
The Adoration of the Lamb (Cathedral of St. Bavo, Ghent) By Hubert and
Jan van Eyck.
Count William passed away on the 31st of May 1417, leaving an only
child, Jacqueline, aged seventeen, by his wife, Margaret of Burgundy, who had
predeceased him. Her uncle, John of Bavaria, Prince-Bishop of Liege, an unscrupulous ruffian who clearly paid small
deference to women's rights, at once set himself to rob the unfortunate
princess of her possessions. In September 1418 he marched out on Dordrecht,
where he established his headquarters; Gorcum and
other strongholds speedily succumbed to his arms, and after an interval, during
which he married Elizabeth of Gorlitz, Duchess of Luxemburg and widow of Anthony of Burgundy, Duke of Brabant and Limburg, he finally
removed to Holland and installed himself at The Hague, free now to pursue his
nefarious projects. For thirteen years the country resounded with the clash of
arms and laboured in the rough and tumble of civil
warfare: hence an atmosphere the least congenial to the cultivation and
patronage of high art. The cities of Flanders and Brabant were the gainers by
the exodus of craftsmen that presently set in. Of their number, sooner or
later, was Hubert, who, prior to 1425 at any rate, had already settled at Ghent
and acquired the freedom of that city. News of the unfinished polyptych remaining on his hands soon came to the ears of Jodoc Vyt, a wealthy burgher, who
eagerly embraced the opportunity of striking the bargain by which he acquired
all rights in the picture and so linked his name and personality for all time
with this ineffable monument of the painter's art.
In the centre-piece, "The Adoration of
the Lamb", we discover the keynote to the scheme of the
work, in the Apocalyptic
Vision of St. John the source of its inspiration. The Lamb without spot,
the blood from its breast pouring into a chalice, is stood on an altar, the
white cloth over which bears on its superfrontal the
text from the Vulgate, "Behold the Lamb of God, who taketh away the sins of the world," and on its stole-ends the legend,
"Jesus, the Way, the Truth, and the Life." Worshipping angels gather
around, some bearing instruments of the Passion, others swinging censers,
their smoke laden with the prayers of the saints. In the foreground the
Fountain of Life, flowing down through the ages along the gentle slope of
flower-bejewelled sward, or dispensing its waters in
vivifying jets from the gurgoyles beneath the feet
and from the vases in the hands of the winged angel above its standard. To the
four quarters groups of the elect: on the near right those of the Old Law and
among the Gentiles who had lived in expectation of the Redeemer, the balancing
group on the left typical of the New Law—prophets, doctors, philosophers, and
princes in the former, the Apostles, popes, bishops, abbots, deacons, monks,
and clerics among the latter. The corresponding groups back of the altar
represent the army of martyrs whose blood is the seed of the Church, and the
multitude of virgins. Over all, from the Holy Dove poised high over the altar,
dart rays of light, emblematic of the Wisdom which had inspired their lives and
of the fire of Love that had heartened their sacrifice. A carpet of flowers
fills in all the open space fore of the altar, flowering shrubs and trees that
of the mid-distance, while the entire background is an exquisite example of
the realistic landscape-work that is an abiding charm of the Netherlandish school. The wonderful harmony of colour appeals at once to the senses; but more arresting,
on nearer acquaintance, for its quality and felicity, is the wide range of
portraiture that distinguishes the piece. From the two lateral panels in the dexter shutter the Knights of Christ and the Just Judges
are pressing forward to the scene of the Vision, from the corresponding ones
in the sinister shutter the Holy Hermits and the Holy Pilgrims: the former on
spirited horses—an animal for which the painter evinces a special affection—the
latter on foot. These panels are even more remarkable perhaps than the centre-piece for the diversity and multiplicity of the
types portrayed, and for the wealth of landscape relieved by bird life lavished
in their embellishment.
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The Great Polyptych had not yet reached
completion when, on the 18th of September 1426 Hubert van Eyck passed away
after a painful illness. How much of the work remained to be accomplished none
can tell with any hope of approach to certainty. A whole volume would not
suffice for a critical examination of the mass of contending theories that for
the best part of a century has been squandered in the endeavour to allocate to the two brothers their respective shares in the execution of the
picture. Remember that it had already been some ten years in the making, and
that, although it did not receive its final touches from the brush of John van
Eyck until 1432, nearly six years after his brother's death, this period of
John's life, as we shall presently discover, was too fully occupied in the
service of Duke Philip of Burgundy to have allowed of his spending any
considerable proportion of it in the task of completion. Remembering also that
John's art had been closely modelled on that of his
brother, that none better comprehended his ideals or was more intimately
acquainted with the working out of his conceptions, mindful, moreover, of the
deep veneration in which he held his master's genius, we must suppose that he realised the obligation of conscientiously adhering to the
art and technique of the picture as he found it, any obtruding originality in
violation of which would have amounted almost to sacrilege: all this further
enhances the difficulty of differentiating between the work of the two
painters. Indeed, if so minded, the reader is probably as well equipped as the
writer to solve the puzzle.
Hubert van Eyck was laid to rest in the crypt of the chapel for which he
had painted his masterpiece, but in 1533, when chapel and crypt had to make way
for a new aisle, his remains were transferred to the churchyard, all except the
bone of the right fore-arm, which was suspended in an iron casket in the porch
of the Cathedral. The brass plate bearing the well-known epitaph was at the
same time placed in the transept, only to become the spoil of the Calvinist
Iconoclasts in 1578, when already the casket had somehow or other long since
disappeared. But what of the painter's fame,
to whose workshop laymen of the highest distinction had felt it a
privilege to be admitted, about whose easel journeymen painters had flocked,
and whom the leading contemporary artists of the Netherlands had been proud to
call master? During his lifetime, and for a considerable period after his
death, his was a dominating influence in the Art of the North, and Van Mander has it on record that whenever the polyptych was freely exposed to the public gaze crowds
flocked to it from morning till night "like flies and bees in summer round
a basket of figs and grapes". But in the stress and turmoil of succeeding
generations his memory gradually faded away; his work, uncared for, lost hold
on the imagination; even his great masterwork narrowly escaped destruction.
Even so it did not escape dismemberment, or profanation at the hands of the
"restorer". Saved from the fury of the Iconoclasts in 1566, and
subsequently rescued from the Calvinist leaders who contemplated its offer to
Queen Elizabeth in acknowledgment of her subsidies, it eventually became the
spoil of the French Republicans;
but after the battle of Waterloo restitution was effected, and the main
portion of the altar-piece, all that remains of it in Ghent, was reinstated
in its present position. The Adam and Eve
panels, which in 1781 had offended the unsuspected modesty of Joseph
II, and in consequence been deferentially removed, were ultimately ceded to
the Belgian Government, and now rest in the Royal Gallery at Brussels; while
the other six shutter panels, which had been safeguarded through the French
occupation, were shamelessly sold to a dealer in 1816 by the Vicar-General
and churchwardens—in the absence, it is right to say, of the Bishop—for a
paltry 3000 florins, subsequently changing hands for 100,000 francs, and
eventually becoming the property of the Prussian Government for four times that
amount.
JAN VAN EYCK
THE date of Jan van Eyck's birth is as uncertain as that of his
brother's. Tradition has it that the two brothers are portrayed on the panel of
the great Ghent altar-piece, which represents The Just Judges. These portraits
suggest a difference of about twenty years between the two, so that the birth of Jan
would have to be placed somewhere between 1386 and 1390. Hubert being thus
about twenty years his senior, it is natural to suppose that Jan received from
him his early education in matters of art. Guicciardini, van Mander, and other
early writers, affirm that the two brothers worked in collaboration, and there
is no reason to doubt that Jan in his early years assisted his brother in many
or most of his paintings— perhaps even in the Ghent altar-piece, which he
finished after the elder brother's death. It is certainly a curious fact that,
with a single exception—the completely over -painted Enthronement of St.
Thomas of Canterbury at Chatsworth—all the signed pictures by Jan bear dates posterior to the death
of Hubert. And it is equally significant that the first of this series of ten
signed pictures is dated 1432, the year of the completion of the Ghent
altar-piece, which was the last work in which both brothers had a share.
The chief events in the life of Jan van Eyck can be gathered fairly
accurately from con- temporarary records and documents. In 1422 Jan entered the
service of John of Bavaria, at that time Duke of Luxembourg, whose household
accounts show the payment of a weekly wage to the artist, from October 25,
1422, till September, 1424, for the decoration of the palace at the Hague. M.
Bouchot mentioned an earlier record of Jan's doings, when he believed he
discovered him at Cambrai decorating a Paschal candle. But the eminent French
critic probably confused Jan van Eyck with one Jan de Yeke, whose name occurs
in the accounts of the Cathedral of Cambrai as that of a man employed in 1422
and many following years in painting crosses, clocks, and candles on the outer
wall of the cathedral to deter the passers-by from committing nuisances!
In the spring of 1425 Jan van Eyck was appointed valet de chambre to
Philip the Good, and though this princely patron availed himself of the master's
services as a painter, it would appear from a letter signed by Philip, and
bearing the date March 12, 1434, that the appointment of Jan to the position of
Court painter to the Burgundian Prince only took place in that year (1434).
Still, as valet de chambre Jan van Eyck must have enjoyed a position of
considerable trust and emolument at the hands of his august master, for on more
than one occasion we find him entrusted with important missions, some of which
took him to the Portuguese Court. The first of these excursions took place when
he had resided for three months at Bruges. On his return he went at Philip's
order to live at Lille, where he remained until 1428. His missions were
generally of a secret nature, but on one of these occasions, in the year 1428,
we find Jan again absent in Portugal, returning to the Court of Philip in the
suite of Isabella of Portugal, who was destined to become the royal consort.
Gachard, in the Collection de Documents Inédits concernant l'Histoire de
Belgique, gives a detailed account of the artist's movements from his
departure from Écluse on October 19, 1428,to his return in January, 1430.
According to these dates, which are gathered from contemporary documents, the
ambassadors with the Infanta set out from Lisbon on October 8, 1429. The
apparent discrepancy between these dates and that of January 10, 1429, which,
at the Golden Fleece Exhibition at Bruges in 1907, was given as the date of the
foundation of this Order, and consequently of the nuptials of Philip and Isabella
and of Jan's return to Bruges, is easily accounted for if we remember that the
beginning of the year was then reckoned from March 1, so that January, 1430, of
our own reckoning would tally with January, 1429, of the contemporary
calendar.
Isabella of Portugal and Philip the Good
Duke Philip's matrimonial ventures hitherto had not been crowned with
success. Neither his first wife, Michelle of France, nor Bonne of Artois, whom
he wedded and lost within the ten months (she died in September 1425), had
provided him with an heir. Anxious to secure the succession in the direct line,
towards the middle of 1427 he despatched ambassadors
to the court of Alphonsus V, King of Aragon, to obtain for him the hand of
Isabella, eldest daughter of James II, Count of Urgel,
and John van Eyck was attached to the mission. Arriving at Barcelona in July,
only to find that the earthquakes in Catalonia had driven the Court to escape
by sea to Valencia, the embassy followed in the royal track and reached this
city early in August, in time for the floral games and bull-fight with which
the Jurats honoured the
King. The mission led to nothing, not even to a portrait of the princess, who
in September 1428 was married to Peter, Duke of Coimbra, third son of John I,
King of Portugal; but it is interesting to find Alphonsus V in later years
acquiring paintings by Van Eyck for his collection. The return journey included
a short halt at Tourna, where the magistrates very appropriately
paid Van Eyck the compliment of a wine of honour on
the 18th of October, St. Luke's Day, the local guild, moreover—Robert Campin, Roger de la Pasture, and James Daret doubtless distinguished among its members—being favoured with his company in the celebration of the feast of its patron saint. A like
wine of honour was presented to the ambassadors on
the 20th.
An illuminating dispute between the Duke, the Receiver of Flanders, and
John van Eyck helped to relieve the tedium of life in the intervals of
employment on foreign missions at this stage of the painter's career. Philip's
munificence was largely tempered by prudent frugality in the ordering of his
household, and in the process of curtailing his domestic expenses in 1426 he
published an edict bearing date December 14 regulating its constitution and the
wages of its members. By some inadvertence John's name was omitted from the
new roll, and the Receiver of Flanders summarily stopped payment of his salary.
An ineffectual protest was lodged, complaints followed re-inforced by threats, to such good purpose that eventually, though not until after many
months' persistent badgering, the aggrieved party emerged with flying colours from the triangular duel, securing letters patent
under date March 3, 1428, confirming his appointment and commanding the payment
of all arrears.
Of the many paintings executed by John van Eyck to which no precise date
can be attached not one can with certainty be ascribed to this period, and yet
it is difficult to believe that his duties in the three years he had already
spent in the ducal service were exclusively of a non-professional character:
surely the lost portrait of Bonne of Artois as Duchess of Burgundy, a copy of
which is preserved in the store-room of the Royal Gallery at Berlin, was his
work. The years immediately following, however, yielded a rich harvest of
brilliant pictures, first among which, chronologically, two portraits of the Infanta Isabella of Portugal. Philip, on matrimonial
projects still intent, was now turning his attention from the Courts of Spain
to the neighbouring one of Portugal, and in the
autumn of 1428 he decided on an embassy to John I. The mission was a princely
one : at its head Sir John de Lannoy, councillor and first chamberlain; associated with whom
were Sir Baldwin de Lannoy, governor of Lille—at some
later date, too, a subject for our painter's brush—high dignitaries of the
court and some of the leading gentry, a secretary, cupbearer, steward, clerk of
accounts, and two pursuivants, and last, but not
least, John van Eyck, whose relative standing may be gathered from the fact
that in the distribution of gratuities at the ceremony of leave-taking only
that of the chief ambassador exceeded his, the respective sums being 200/. and
160/. The mission, distributed between two Venetian galleys, sailed out of Sluus harbour on the 19th of October and arrived the next
day at Sandwich, where three or four weeks were spent awaiting a further escort
of two galleys from London. Forced by contrary winds to seek shelter, first at
Shoreham and then at Plymouth and Falmouth, it was not till the 2nd of December
that the convoy sailed out into the ocean. Nine days later they were at Bayona, a small seaport of Galicia, where they delayed
three days, their long sea journey at length terminating on the 16th at Cascaes, whence they travelled overland to Lisbon. In the
absence of the Court a letter explaining the object of the mission was
entrusted to the herald Flanders, who pursued the King from Estremoz to Arrayollos and Aviz, in
the province of Alemtejo, where the embassy at last
had audience of his Majesty on the 13th of January and presented to him the
Duke's letters soliciting the hand of his daughter Isabella. The while the
ambassadors were discussing their master's proposals with the King's Council
John van Eyck was at his easel painting the Infanta's portrait, two copies of which were executed and despatched to the Court of Burgundy, one by sea and the other by land, the better to
ensure safe delivery, with duplicate accounts of the mission's doings to date.
The Duke's reply did not arrive until the 4th of June. A pilgrimage to Saint
James of Compostella, and visits to John II, King of
Castile, to the Duke of Arjona, a prince of the same
royal blood, and to Mohammed, King of the City of Grenada, agreeably filled in
the interval of waiting, Van Eyck naturally missing no opportunity of
acquaintance with the leading painters of the day, enlarging the scope of his
own observation, and no doubt leaving behind him the impress of his mastery.
That the name of Van Eyck was already one to conjure with in these distant
realms appears from the traditional ascription to him of a mass of painting
certainly in his manner, but vastly too great to have ever been conceived by
him within the limits of his stay in Portugal. Take that finest of all pictures
there, the "Fons Vitae" in the board-room
of the Misericordia at Oporto, and the series of
twelve paintings in the Episcopal Palace at Evoca,
locally claimed for Van Eyck; likewise the pictures in the church of S.
Francisco at Evoca, in the round church of the
Templars at Thomar, and elsewhere, which are at any
rate thought there to be not unworthy of his technique, and scarcely inferior
to his best masterpieces for brilliancy of colouring and beauty of portraiture. The one regrettable circumstance in relation to
this visit to Portugal is that both portraits of the Infanta are to be numbered among the lost certain treasures of his art.
On their return to Lisbon in the closing days of May the embassy
rejoined the Court at Cintra on the ensuing 4th by
special request of the king, and the Duke of Burgundy's reply came to hand the
same evening: the princess's portrait had been to the Duke's liking. All the
preliminaries being now in order events sped on apace, to the signing of the
marriage contract at Lisbon on the 29th of July and the solemnisation of the espousals a day later; and after a period of brilliant festivities the
bridal party, to the number of some two thousand, set sail for the land of
Flanders. A fortnight later four weather-beaten ships, the Infanta's of the number, lumbered into Vivero harbour in
Galicia, followed later by a fifth: the remainder of the original fleet of fourteen,
after battling with contrary winds, had been effectually dispersed in the
subsequent storm. Again a start was made on the 6th of November, but the state
of prostration to which Sir John de Lannoy had been
reduced by sea-sickness compelled a further delay of over a fortnight at Ribadeu. Here the convoy was reinforced by two Florentine
galleys, also bound for Flanders, and on the 25th they eventually made good
their leave of Portuguese waters. The afflicted ambassador, with members of his
suite, had meanwhile transferred to the Florentine galleys, a step that nearly
cost them their lives, as these vessels narrowly escaped shipwreck in the
vicinity of the Land's End. The other five ships put into Plymouth harbour on
the 29th, but the Florentines pushed on to Sluus,
where they cast anchor on the 6th of December, Sir John de Lannoy making all speed to the Duke with the glad tidings of the Infanta's safe arrival in English waters. The preparations for her reception were quickly
followed by the coming of the bride, who safely accomplished her long
journey's end on Christmas Day. In the midst of a carnival of popular
rejoicing the union was
solemnised at Bruges on the 7th of January 1430.
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In the early days of December 1431 Cardinal Albergati,
special ambassador from Pope Martin V to the Courts of France, Burgundy, and
England with a view to bringing about a general peace, spent three days at the
Charterhouse in Bruges as the honoured guest of the
Duke, from whom Van Eyck received urgent instructions to paint the portrait
that is now the property of the Imperial Gallery at Vienna. The time being all
too short for the purpose, John had to be content with the exquisite drawing in
silver-point on a white ground which is still preserved in the Royal Cabinet of
Prints at Dresden, and which is particularly interesting because of the
marginal memoranda in pencil embodying the most minute observations in the
artist's own handwriting for his guidance in the execution of the painting. A
remarkable portrait of a most remarkable man: for this prince of the Church, a
humble son of the austere Order of the Carthusians,
though raised to the Cardinalate and time after
time called upon to serve the Holy See on important embassies requiring
consummate prudence in regard to matters of temporal policy, discarding his
family arms for a simple cross, persevered to the end in such austerities of
the cloister as the wearing of a hair shirt, total abstinence from flesh-meat,
and the use of bare straw for his rude pallet: a type that must have appealed to
Van Eyck, for the picture is avaluable index of the
painter's genius for portraiture.
Cardinal Albergati |
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Somewhere about this time John's thoughts, somewhat later in life than
was the custom of the age, must have been turning on
matrimony on his own account, for we find him purchasing a house in the parish
of Saint Giles, a quarter much affected by painters, and shortly afterwards
engaged on a portrait of the man appointed to be his father-in-law; and we can
picture the Duke, with whom he was ever a special favourite,
being made the confidant of his intentions on the occasion of his visit to Van
Eyck's workshop on the 19th of February 1433, and pleasantly encouraging him
with a promise to stand sponsor for his first-born. At any rate the wedding
took place, and in due course Sir Peter de Beaufremont,
Lord of Chargny, held the infant at the baptismal
font as proxy for Philip, whose present took the form of six silver cups
weighing 12 marks, the order for payment of the account, amounting to 96/.
12s., to a local goldsmith, John Peutin, bearing date
June 30, 1434; and this is the nearest approach we can get at to the date of
either event. Indeed, we have no information as to the sex of the child, nor
are we even acquainted with the maiden name of Van Eyck's wife, though it has
been suggested, with some show of reason, that she was a sister of Joan Cenani, the wife of John Arnolfini,
already referred to; and it is only within quite recent days that the painting
in the National Gallery commonly spoken of as "the man with the
turban" has been identified, on purely scientific lines, as the portrait
of her father. If the reader will compare this likeness
with that of Margaret van Eyck he must
immediately be struck by the close resemblance that irresistibly suggests the
relationship: the marvel is that the absolute identity of features in the two
portraits escaped notice so long. The fanciful style of head-dress, except it
was intended to symbolise occupation or profession,
remains a puzzle; for it is difficult to conceive a man of his earnest and
dignified disposition masquerading in strange attire for the mere sake of
effect. The best authorities speak of him as a well-to-do merchant—specialising perhaps in Eastern wares, such as crowded the
marts of the Flemish capital in the heyday of its prosperity—apparently about
sixty-five years of age, the face being delicately painted in reddish-brown
tones, and showing every detail with uttermost faithfulness, even to the
pleats of the eyelids and at the root of the nose, and to every vein and
wrinkle of the forehead. It is one of the finest exemplifications of John's
rare gift of portraiture, the pleasing modesty of the artist—as revealed in the
inscription "Als ich kan" (to the best of my ability)— adding, indeed, to
the charm of the picture, which bears date October 21, 1433, and passed into
the keeping of the National Gallery in 1851.
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Mr. Weale, while arranging the archives of St. Donatian at Bruges,
discovered in the account of the fabric of the church for the year beginning
June 25, 1440, and ending June 24, 1441, entries of sums received for the grave
of Jan van Eyck and for the ringing of the funeral bell, and in the obituary of
the church his anniversary set down as celebrated on July 9. In an article in
the Burlington Magazine (1904) Mr. Weale makes the following comment: "Hence it appears certain that he died on July 9, 1440. This date, now generally
accepted, is, however, incorrect. Two entries in the account of Walter
Poulain, Receiver- General of Flanders for the year ending December 31, 1441,
prove that John's death took place in 1441, but leave the exact day
uncertain". Three entries show that Jan died about the end of June, and
that on July 22 a grant of 360 livres — the equivalent of her husband's salary
for half a year—was made to Jan's widow by the Duke Philip in recognition of
the services rendered by her deceased husband. It also shows that Jan's wife
was named Margaret, and that he left at least two children—one, the Duke's
godchild, Philip or Philippina, born in June, 1434; the other, Lyennie, who
became a nun at Maaseyck in 1449, which lends colour to the theory that Maaseyck
was her father's birthplace.
His epitaph, as translated by Sir Charles Eastlake, runs : "Here
lies Joannes, who was celebrated for his surpassing skill, and whose felicity
in painting excited wonder. He painted breathing forms, and the earth's surface,
covered with flowery vegetation, completing each work to the life. Hence
Phidias and Apelles must give place to him, and Polycletus be considered his
inferior in art. Call, therefore, the Fates most cruel, who have snatched from
us such a man. Yet cease to weep, for destiny is immutable; pray only now to
God that he may live in heaven."
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St. Barbara (Antwerp Museum) By Jan van Eyck.
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THE INVENTION OF OIL-PAINTING
TRADITION has for centuries connected the name of Van Eyck with the
invention of oil-painting, and has fixed upon the year 1410 as the date of this
invention. This, at least, is the year given by such early writers as
Guicciardini, Vasari, Opmeer, and Karel van Mander. Vasari, indeed, gives a
most detailed and circumstantial account of this epoch-making event, which,
according to the Aretine biographer, was brought about by the single-handed
efforts of Jan. And it is easy to understand that the fame of the elder brother
had in the sixteenth century become obscured and merged in that of the
brilliantly successful Jan, the valet de chambre and official Court painter.
This "Giovanni of Bruggia", Vasari tells us, "after having
given extreme labour to the completion of a certain picture, and with great
diligence brought it to a successful issue, he gave it the varnish and set it
to dry in the sun, as is the custom. But whether because
the heat was too violent, or that the wood was badly joined or insufficiently
seasoned, the picture gave way at the joinings, opening in a very deplorable
manner. Thereupon Giovanni, perceiving the mischief done to his work by the
heat of the sun, determined to proceed in such a manner that the same thing
should never again injure his work in like manner. And as he was no less
embarrassed by his varnishes than by the process of tempera-painting, he
turned his thoughts to the discovery of some sort of varnish that would dry in
the shadow, to the end that he need not expose his pictures to the sun.
Accordingly, after having made many experiments on substances, pure and mixed,
he finally discovered that linseed oil and oil of nuts dried more readily than
any others of all that he had tried. Having boiled these oils, therefore, with
other mixtures, he thus obtained the varnish which he—or, rather, all the
painters of the world— had so long desired. He made experiments with many other
substances, but finally decided that mixing the colours with these oils gave a
degree of firmness to the work which not only secured it against all injury
from water when once dried, but also imparted so much life to the colours that
they exhibited a sufficient lustre in themselves without the aid of varnish;
and what appeared to him more extraordinary than all besides was that the
colours thus treated were much more easily united and blent than when in
tempera."
Vasari then proceeds to tell us of Jan's great success, of the
"blameless envy" of all other artists in Flanders and abroad, from whom
he would jealously guard his secret, until, in his old age, he imparted it to
"his disciple Ruggieri da Bruggia", a name which surely can hide no
other personality than Rogier van der Weyden's. Of Hubert never a mention, save
a short reference in the last volume, in the chapter on "Divers Flemish
Artists". As in most of Vasari's anecdotes, there is probably a
foundation of truth to the elaborate network of fiction. The incident
explained by him at great length may have occurred, but its hero can only have
been Hubert, and not Jan, who was then a mere youth working in his brother's
bottega, and may have assisted Hubert in his experiments. Though it has since
been doubted that Hubert or Jan van Eyck actually invented oil-painting, no
evidence has yet been discovered to prove they were not the first to employ oil
as a medium in putting colour on the prepared panel. It is true that oil as a
protective varnish was frequently used during the fourteenth century, and it
is probable that some kind of oil-colour was employed in the colouring of
statuary and in the painting of banners at an early period. For this reason the
statement that Hubert and Jan van Eyck "discovered painting in oils"
has been disputed, and generally accepted as inaccurate, but the question is
one rather of terminology than of the technical point.
As the term "oil-painting" is generally accepted today, it
is fairer to credit these brothers with the invention, than to speak of their
achievement as an improvement in oil- painting, for hitherto the medium in
common use had been a preparation of gum and white of eggs. And as there is
neither definite proof nor any good evidence that oil had ever been used as a
medium to mix the colours for panel-painting before Hubert and Jan made their experiments,
we surely have an easy distinction to draw. The brothers Van Eyck were the
first successfully to mix the oil with the colours for painting, and this
process is what we now understand as "painting in oils". The use of
oils as a protective or varnish does not enter into the painting, since such
had only been used on the completion of the work.
For the rest, the brothers either acted more generously than Vasari
would have it, or they did not altogether succeed in guarding their precious
secret, for their method appears to have been fairly generally practised at
Ghent about 1420. We find, for instance, that in 1419 the "free
painters," Willem van Appoele and Johannes Maertens, received a commission
to paint some pictures for the town hall of Ghent in "good
oil-colours." It is also certain that Rogier van der Weyden— Vasari's
Ruggieri da Bruggia—never was a pupil of either Jan or Hubert van Eyck.
A Presentation Portrait, probably from the Painter (Jan) to his friend "Timothy", a Greek humanist whose Christian name only is known. The
inscription at the foot reads: "Actum anno
Domini 1432, 10 die Octobris, a Iohanne de Eyck."
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THE ART OF THE VAN EYCKS
THE position occupied by Hubert and Jan van Eyck in the history of art
is one of unparalleled importance. A deep gulf divides them from all their
immediate precursors, who seem to belong altogether to a different epoch —nay,
a different world. Just as their improvement in the technical methods of their
craft opened up a vista of till then un- thought-of possibilities, so their
conception of life and of pictorial form marks the beginning of a new era, the
passing of the vague mediaeval idealism into an art that is based upon the
close study and loving appreciation of Nature. Perhaps too much stress has been
laid upon the so-called "realism" of the brothers van Eyck, and
more especially of Jan. Again and again critics have insisted upon Jan's
uncompromising love of literal truth, upon his insistence on details that are
in themselves at times repulsively ugly. This realism was tempered with deep
sentiment and a sense of style which kept such details well subordinated to
the general scheme, and it is in this respect that Jan van Eyck stands
immeasurably above Melchior Broederlam, who occupied the position of vavlet de
chambve and Court painter to Philip the Bold, the grandfather of Jan's patron.
Broederlam, indeed, as may be seen in his famous altar-piece at Dijon, seems to
be a far more pronounced realist than Jan van Eyck, simply because he lacks
that sense of style and harmony and subordination—in short, that
concentration—which makes us forget the realistic detail in the beauty of the
complete thing.
The real precursors of the van Eycks were the sculptors who carved the
tombs, monuments, and reliefs in the churches of Tournai. In these we first
find the faithful adherence to the facts of Nature and the understanding of the
subtleties of form which in painting appear first in the works of the brothers
van Eyck, who may have also owed much of their knowledge to the flourishing
school of Flemish miniature-painters, if, indeed, Hubert in his early days did
not actually practise this art. Yet, even though the new era in painting is, as
it were, heralded by the new tendencies in plastic art—just as in
Italy Giotto was preceded by the sculptor Niccolo Pisani—there is
something wonderful, something almost difficult to realise, in the sudden
appearance of complete and perfect works of art, like the paintings of the van
Eycks, that with masterly sureness express the whole essence of the Gothic
style, whilst at the same time they reveal a new understanding of the
inexhaustible beauty of Nature, a keen perception of structural growth and of
individual characteristics, and, above all, an almost modern understanding of
the play of light upon figures and objects in and out of doors.
The picturesque, brilliant, varied life of such cities as Bruges and
Ghent at the beginning of the fifteenth century cannot have failed to
stimulate the artists' power of observation, to sharpen their perception of
the differences of race, gesture, and costume; for the streets and squares of
the rich commercial centres of Flanders were filled from morning to night with
ever-moving crowds of courtiers and merchants from all parts of the
world—Spaniards and Italians, Germans, and Slavonians, and even Moors and
Turks, all in their different costumes and following their different customs.
At the same time the painters' eyes were constantly met by the wonders of the
creations of architects, armourers, and other craftsmen who flourished under
the protection of the Burgundian rulers; and one may well understand the love
and enthusiasm with which a receptive artist like Jan van Eyck applied himself
to the faithful delineation of the splendours and of the seething life by which
he was surrounded.
Although the two brothers were in the habit of working together upon the
same pictures, which has given rise to many disputes as to the authorship of
unsigned works, and although Jan, the realist, at times approached, though
never equalled, the spirituality and decorative sumptuousness of Hubert,
whilst Hubert, the stylist and greater mind of the two, sometimes vied with Jan
in the minute and exquisite elaboration of details, the signed works of Jan and
those parts of the Ghent altar-piece which are unquestionably Hubert's own have
made it possible to characterise the distinguishing qualities of the two
masters. Hubert far exceeds his brother in monumental impressiveness, in
grandeur of style, in idealistic significance, in sumptuousness, and even in
sense of beauty. Even the folds of his draperies have a fulness and a noble
swing which form a striking
contrast to the more laboured irregularity of Jan's, as may be seen in
comparing the garments of God the Father, the Virgin Mary, and St. John, of
the Ghent altar-piece, with the curiously broken folds of Barbara's dress in
Jan's picture at Antwerp.
The conception of such ideas as are embodied in the Adoration of the
Lamb, or in the Triumph of the Church over the Synagogue, at the Madrid
Museum, would also have been quite beyond the pale of the more prosaic Jan's
imagination. Jan, on the other hand, excelled in stating the reality of the
visible world. Generalisations of human types or of landscape features are
unknown to him. He was the first to fix upon his panels all the carefully
studied and exquisitely wrought details of the actual world—sky and mountain
and river, forest and fields, flowers and trees, and the churches and castles,
houses and bridges, placed in Nature by human hands. It is scarcely too much to
say that he was the first landscape-painter, just as he was the first portrait
painter in the modern sense of the word—the first who could paint a scene so
that it could be identified after the lapse of centuries, the first who could
paint a portrait so that the model stands before us living and breathing, in
all his beauty or ugliness. To appreciate the keenness of his vision one has
only to examine the marvellous Arnolfini group at the National Gallery, with
its almost scientific treatment of softly diffused indoor light. A comparison
of this picture, from the point of view of lighting, with anything that was painted
before the days of the van Eycks will reveal perhaps the greatest step forward
that is on record in the whole history of painting.
Christ's Warriors (Berlin Museum) By Hubert and Jan
van Eyck.
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COLLABORATION OF THE BROTHERS
WHEN piecing together the lives of the
brothers van Eyck, it is necessary to delve into a confusing mass of
conflicting statements—evidence which is only in part to be relied upon, and
the theories of those who have devoted a vast amount of time and labour to the
unearthing, sorting, and arranging of such evidence as they have been able to
lay their hands upon. Incomplete as the records are, we must, until further
evidence has been discovered, accept the obvious conclusions from the
indisputable data left to us.
We have ten unquestionably genuine signed pictures by Jan, and a small
group of others which may, from internal evidence, be safely ascribed to the
same source. We know that the great Adoration of the Lamb, though designed in
its entirety by Hubert, is the combined work of the two masters. We know also
that the Copenhagen panel of Robert Poortier was in Hubert's studio at the time
of his death —perhaps unfinished. The remaining pictures generally accepted as
genuine van Eycks have been variously ascribed to Hubert, or to Jan, or to
their united efforts. In view of the fact that not a single really
authenticated work by Hubert alone is known, special significance must be
attached to a statement, several times repeated by early writers, that Hubert
and Jan "continually painted on the same works."
In trying to solve the difficult question which part of the extant
oeuvre is Hubert's and which is Jan's, our knowledge of Jan's journeys to the
South assumes considerable importance. For Hubert's travels we lack proof—they
are mere conjecture: But there is documentary evidence of Jan's journey to
Portugal in 1428, in addition to which Mr. Weale has, I understand, recently
unearthed some further documents which establish another and earlier journey of
Jan to Spain. On these travels Jan must have become well acquainted with
certain plants peculiar to the South, and especially the dwarf palm or
palmetto, which is confined almost exclusively to Spain and Portugal. It is
therefore not unreasonable to assign to him those
portions of the disputed pictures in which this palmetto appears. Some
authorities hold that Jan did not have any independent artistic career before
Hubert's death, and that in the division of labour Hubert's share was, as a
rule, the general design and the painting of the figures, whilst Jan filled in
the landscape and architectural backgrounds.
The collaboration theory has been advanced by Mr. A. Marks, whose
knowledge of Flemish art is profound, and whose deductions are as conscientious
as they are convincing. To him we are indebted for an interesting paper upon
the subject, which is at once exhaustive and reasonable. To retail all that Mr.
Marks advances in support of his theory would be to reprint his treatise in
toto; but though it is impossible here to follow all his arguments, it'is
equally impossible to avoid reference to the valuable correspondence between
him and Mr. James Weale in the Athenaeum between November, 1902, and April,
1903. This correspondence arose from an article by Mr. A. Marks in the
Athenaeum in May, 1900, in which attention is drawn to the presence of the
palmetto in the picture of St. Francis receiving the Stigmata (now in
possession of Mr. J. G.
Johnson, Pennsylvania; a copy in Turin), which picture had been formerly
variously ascribed to Henri met de Bles, Joachim Patinier, and Mostaert. Mr.
Marks has since supplemented and explained his views in the essay mentioned;
whilst Miss Frances Weale has published an excellent study on the "van
Eycks", which, in a concise and interesting form, presents her father's
views on the subject.
St. Francis receiving the Stigmata. Jan
van Eyck.
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It is, of course, likely that nothing is proved as to the authorship of
certain paintings by the presence or absence of the exotic plants or other
details ascribed to one or other of the brothers. Supposing the assumed visit
of Hubert to Southern Europe to be a fact, Jan may have made use of his
brother's studies to embellish his landscapes; or Hubert may have utilized
Jan's studies. But either supposition is extremely unlikely. We have certain
proof that Jan did several times visit the South, while Hubert's sojourn in
these parts is pure surmise; and not only is it likely that, rather than make
use of second-hand material, Hubert left portions of the pictures to be painted
by Jan, but the examination of the various pictures reveals the same hand in
the painting of the recurring details. We must, then, take the facts and the
most likely deductions in preference to deductions drawn from data which are
merely conjectural.
Documentary evidence proves that Jan, immediately after his reception
by the King of Portugal on January 12, 1429, began the work of painting the
portrait of the Infanta, which, by the way, was executed in tempera, and not in
oil. This painting is, unfortunately, lost, and though there are several portraits
of Isabella now extant, of which one at least may be a copy of Jan's picture,
there is nothing in any of them that can be traced to this master. He took a
month over its completion, and while the Court and Embassy were awaiting the
decision of Philip, to whom the picture had been sent, Jan and his colleagues
had time to visit several places of interest and people of distinction. They
travelled to the north to see the shrine of St. Iago of Compostella; then to
the south, where they were received in turn by the Duke of Arjona and the King
of Castile; and then to Granada, in the extreme south, where they visited the
King of that city. It is stated that they also visited many other places ; and,
as from Granada they returned to Lisbon,
they must have passed through the country lying between Cordova and
Seville.
Now, through the whole of the south-eastern portion of the peninsula the
palmetto, or dwarf-palm, flourishes abundantly, and Jan could not fail during
his tour to become well acquainted with it. In a letter which Mr. Marks quotes
in his paper read at the Royal Society of Literature, June 24, 1903, Mr.
Luffmann, Director of the School of Horticulture in Melbourne, says that the
triangle formed by Seville, Cordova, and Osuna, is "a piece of country
which is literally overrun by the plant", and that the root of the
palmetto is commonly used in those parts as fuel. In Italy it is but of rare
occurrence, though it grows in some of the islands of the Mediterranean; whilst
in the parts of Spain and Portugal visited by Jan it is almost impossible for
the visitor to avoid seeing it.
Failing, then, even the probability that Hubert ever saw the palmetto
growing, we must credit Jan with the painting of this plant, which, like all
the other exotics, must have been carefully studied from nature, for they are
represented in most minute, careful, and conscientious manner, and are
absolutely true to life. The palmetto occurs in the picture of St. Francis
receiving the Stigmata (above referred to), in the St. Anthony with the Donor
at Copenhagen; and in The Three Marys at the Sepulchre in the collection of
Sir Frederick Cook at Richmond. The portions of these paintings by Hubert van
Eyck, where the palmetto occurs, may therefore be safely ascribed to the hand
of Jan.
Other exotic plants, which are not restricted to Spain and Portugal,
occur in these pictures; but they are painted by the same hand, and betray the
same loving adherence to truth, and a similar familiarity with the plants as
they grow. It is therefore patent that they, too, must be ascribed to Jan, for
it is impossible to suppose that the younger brother's work on these pictures
was simply that of adding the by no means necessary dwarf-palm to Hubert's
completed landscapes. Jan was probably responsible for the design and
execution of these landscapes. These other exotics also occur in the Ghent
altar-piece, in the Calvary of the Berlin Museum, and in the copy, at the same
museum, of a lost Virgin and Child. Mr. Marks produces further evidence to
prove that Jan must have painted not only the foliage, but the whole of the
landscapes where the little palm appears, including in most cases the
architecture. He draws attention to the architectural features in the
Chancellov Rolin with Saints in the Louvre, and the signed and dated
altar-piece by Jan in the museum at Bruges : "The architecture in these
pictures is not a real architecture—that is, it has not been copied from any
actual examples ... Agreement is general that it is an architecture
invented, not merely copied". These pictures furnish evidence of the
painter having visited Italy, for marble is represented in a most lavish
manner. This marble is not characteristic of Northern architecture; its use is
distinctly Italian. The painting of it displays the usual care and
conscientiousness common to all Jan's works. Further points cited by Mr. Marks
as evidence of Jan's work in various pictures are the representations of
snow-mountains in various works, and the presence of a flying flock of geese.
The former is of greater importance, as this again points to
acquaintance with the South, where alone the painter could have seen snow-mountains. Now, as very similar architecture to that in the altar-piece at
Bruges, which is signed by Jan van Eyck, is found in the Chancellor
Rolin (Louvre), the Virgin and Child (Dresden), and the Carthusian Monk
with Saints (Gustave de Rothschild, Paris), the suggestion is clear that in all
these pictures the architecture is the work of Jan, and several notable critics
hold this view. In three of these four paintings we find the snow-mountains —
namely, in the Dresden triptych, the Chancellor Rolin, and the Carthusian Monk.
And having established Jan as the author of these snow-mountains, we must credit
him with the landscapes where this feature occurs in other pictures—i.e., the
Ghent altar-piece, the Crucifixion of the Hermitage in St. Petersburg, the
Calvary of the Berlin Museum, and the Three Marys of Sir Frederick Cook. The
theory that Jan is responsible for the snow-mountains is amply supported by the
very reasonable deduction that he must at some time have visited Italy. This is
gathered from the Italian character of the architecture, together with the snow
seen in the Rothschild picture, the Chancellor Rolin, the Carthusian Monk, and
the Dresden picture. The theory is further supported by the presence of the
palmetto together with snow-mountains in the Three Marys of Sir Frederick Cook.
Here the palmetto proves the authorship of the landscape, and as the view
contains snow-mountains it very materially strengthens the supposition that it
was Jan, and not Hubert, who painted them, and who consequently must have been
to the South of Europe—probably Italy—to have seen them.
The flock of geese, which appears in no fewer than six pictures in
addition to Jan's signed St. Barbara at Antwerp, is of very much less
importance than the snow-mountains and the palmetto, for here the only use that
can be made of it as evidence is its frequent repetition. It is found in the
landscapes of the Ghent altar-piece, in the Chancellor Rolin, the Carthusian
Monk, another version of the same subject in the Berlin Museum, St. Francis
receiving the Stigmata, and in the Three Marys. But the flock of wild-geese is
not a feature made use of by the van Eyck brothers only. It seems to have been
of common occurrence in several other Flemish painters both before and after
the days of the van Eycks. Nevertheless, its presence in the pictures
enumerated has been brought forward as supplementary evidence to prove the
collaboration of Hubert and Jan.
So far, then, evidence has been shown to prove Jan's share in the
following pictures : the
Chancellor Rolin, the Virgin and Child (at Dresden), the Carthusian
Monk in the Rothschild Collection, St. Francis receiving the Stigmata, St.
Anthony and the Donor (at Copenhagen), The Three Marys at the Sepulchre, the
Crucifixion (at St. Petersburg), the Calvary (at Berlin), and the great
altar-piece at St. Bavo, Ghent. Still another point which has been generally
urged to prove collaboration of the two brothers is the appearance of their
portraits in certain pictures. They are seen in the panel of the Ghent
altar-piece representing the Just Judges, in the copy of the lost Fountain of
Life or The Triumph of the Church over the Synagogue in the Madrid Museum, and
also, it is said, in the Crucifixion of St. Petersburg.
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Though the theory of collaboration is an old one, doubts have arisen
amongst modern critics, who have shown a growing tendency to ascribe the
majority of the unsigned works solely to the elder brother, which attribution
is refuted not only by the arguments here set forth, but by many early writers,
including Guicciardini and van Mander, both notable and reliable historians.
Before leaving the question of collaboration, a few words must be said
concerning the controversy that has arisen over the Ghent altar-piece. This
painting is indisputably the masterpiece of the van Eycks, and is of stupendous
proportions. The panel of the Adoration of the Lamb, from which the whole
alter-piece takes its name, and the shutters depicting the Just Judges, the
Wavviovs of Christ, the Holy Hermits, and the Holy Pilgrims, have by many
critics been attributed to Hubert's unaided efforts. It is therefore
interesting to examine the landscape backgrounds of these five panels, and to
consider them in the light of the evidence deduced from the backgrounds of the other
"collaboration" pictures. Evidence is needed to prove that Jan's
work was not merely confined to finishing the picture after his brother's death
(the inscription states that it was begun by Hubert and finished by Jan), which
in itself, of course, does not prove collaboration of the brothers.
In the first place, Jan's handiwork must be identified. In the pictures
already discussed it has been proved fairly conclusively that Jan is
responsible for the painting of the exotic plants, the snow-mountains, the
flock of wild geese, and the architectural setting. The land- scapes in the
Ghent altar-piece contain exotic
plants, wild geese, and snow-mountains. Of the latter it is difficult to
speak; they are whitish in colour, but their formation is neither so natural
nor so well designed as in the Three Marys. The exotic plants alone prove Jan's
work here. The birds may, or may not, be very important. They serve, however,
by their repeated appearance in Jan's other pictures, as auxiliary evidence.
The question for proof, however, is not the presence of Jan's work on this
picture, but the presence of his work before the death of his brother. And from
this point of view it is significant that, though other exotics are present in
profusion, the palmetto—a sure result of Jan's visit to Portugal—does not
appear. The whole work is stated in the inscription to have been finished on
May 6, 1432, two years after Jan's return from Portugal. Now, the absence of
the palmetto from this picture points to one of two conclusions—either the work
left for Jan to do in the completion was comparatively trifling, or that the
greater part of the picture, including the design of the landscapes, was
already finished before Jan met with the palmetto.
That the work of the younger brother was not insignificant is distinctly
stated in the text of the inscription : "The painter, Hubert van Eyck,
greater than whom none is to be found, began [the work]; the bulk was completed
by his brother Jan, second to him in art, relying on the request of Jodoc Vydt.
This verse invites you to contemplate that which was completed on May 6,
1432". This translation from the Latin is chosen from three versions. The
other renderings seem to be given by those who would translate the word pondus
as work, and thus give the younger brother credit for no more than finishing an
incomplete picture. The text has, however, been translated by several learned
scholars, who are entirely free from the taint of partisanship, and it is now
generally agreed that the translation given here is the correct one.
There is yet another possibility which the absence of the palmetto
points to—namely, that the picture was practically finished before Jan's visit
to Portugal, save some very minor details, which were completed in 1432. The
presence of the other exotics points to this view being correct, for it would
obviously be unlikely that Jan should omit the palmetto from all these five
landscapes after his careful studies of his favourite plant. The other exotics,
not being a result of the journey, may very well have been painted before 1429.
Collaboration in this work is further proved by the portraits of the two
brothers.
The Van der Paele Altar-piece (Bruges Museum) Jan van
Eyck.
About this time Van Eyck was once more in trouble with the Receiver of
Flanders and his officials. Philip, adding one more to the many marks of favour reserved for his predilect painter, had bestowed on him a life-pension of 4320. in lieu of the salary of
1000. parisis awarded him at the time of his engagement.
In the absence of any explanation of this enormous increase, the mystified
accountants at Lille declined registration of the letters patent; but they
were speedily brought to their senses by John's threat, without further waste
of words, to throw up his appointment there and then: so they referred the
matter back to the Duke, who by letters of March 12, 1435, commanded immediate
registration of the patent and payment of the pension under penalty of his
extreme displeasure, protesting that, being about to employ Van Eyck on works
of the highest importance, he "could not find another painter equally to
his taste or of such excellence in his art and science." Matters being
thus satisfactorily composed, John was free to attend to his patron's behests;
in addition to which he had the gilding and polychroming in 1435 of six of
the eight statues of counts and countesses of Flanders executed by local
sculptors for the front of the new Townhouse, probably from his own designs.
Yet another present of six silver cups, perhaps as a salve for his wounded
feelings, and employment on a further secret mission to distant parts in 1436
testify to the Duke's abiding trust and approbation. These undertakings,
however, did not exhaust the painter's marvellous capacity for work, for this year also witnessed the completion of one of the
largest of his pictures, the altar-piece to the order of Canon Van der Paele, for the collegiate church of Saint Donatian at Bruges, which since its recovery
from the French in 1815 has graced the collection of the local Town Gallery.
John's love of the Romanesque probably accounts for his neglect of the
architecture of that church in designing the apse of the transept in which the
Virgin and Child sit enthroned, but the scenic effect produced by his
treatment of the series of round arches on cylindrical columns and of the
pillared ambulatory goes far to compensate for the omission; the beauty of the
picture being further enhanced by the ornate carving of the capitals and throne,
the gorgeous display of cloth-of-gold and tapestry, and the rich variety of
dress and costume, culminating in all the splendour of the archiepiscopal vestments, yet not so overpowering as to dwarf interest
in the noble countenance of the wearer. Howbeit, the artist was singularly
unfortunate in the subjects appointed to pose for the Virgin and St George,
while the Divine Child is probably the least pleasing of his Infant Christs. St. Donatian, however,
and the homely yet dignified ecclesiastic typified as the Donor, largely
redeem the figure-work from the charge of insignificance. It would appear that
the life-size bust of Canon Van der Paele at Hampton
Court Palace was a study for the full-length portrait, for at the time the
altar-piece was being executed the worthy Canon was already so feeble that
since September 1434 he had been dispensed by the Chapter from attendance in
choir on the score of infirmity and advanced age.
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The Three Marys at the Sepulchre (variously attributed to Hubert and
Jan). |
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The Virgin and Child, and Chancellor Rolin,
date uncertain (By — van Eyck.—The Louvre, Paris)
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The sad loss to Art sustained by John van Eyck's death on the 9th of
July 1441 is accentuated by the unfinished state in which he left the great
triptych on which he was engaged for Nicholas van Maelbeke,
Provost of Saint Martin's at Ypres, his largest painting and, had he but lived
to complete it, in every respect his masterpiece. As a member of the Duke's
household John was buried within the precincts of the collegiate church of St. Donatian, and his remains finally laid to rest some
months later within the building, near the font; and an anniversary Requiem
Mass, founded at the time, continued to be celebrated until the French invasion
in 1792. In death as in life Duke Philip never forgot his faithful friend and
servant: within a few days of his decease he sought to solace the widow's grief
with a gratuity of 360/. in token of his appreciation of the great master whose
death they all mourned, and years after he graciously assisted Livina, the one surviving child of the marriage, and a
sister of his own godchild, to enter the Convent of St. Agnes at Maaseyck.
A NOTE IN CONCLUSION
However representative the great masterpieces which it has been
possible to notice within the scope of this monograph, we are far yet from
having covered the art of the Van Eycks; and,
strangely enough, the same difficulty that is met in apportioning to each his
share in the Great Polyptych recurs when seeking to
ascribe a number of other paintings which are certainly the work of one or
other of the brothers. The study of these will always appeal to the
intelligent student of their art, and as a typical example of the group we
present the altarpiece known as "The Blessed Virgin and Child and
Chancellor Rolin", in the Louvre,
Paris: a remarkable work in respect of types, of portraiture, and of
landscape, every detail of which has been elaborated to a degree scarcely
conceivable. Many other of their paintings are to be found scattered over
Europe, along with much that is the work of copyist, pupil, or imitator, too
often with idle claims to authenticity; for the influence of the Van Eycks was coextensive with the art world of their day.
Truthfulness, it has been observed, was the dominant note of their art, and by
their sedulous cultivation of Truth they dominated the art of their age. With
John this love of truth amounted well-nigh to a passion; and the reproach of
the carping critic to whom beauty of feature alone makes for beauty of
portraiture fails of its effect on the true artist mind, to whom the faithful
record of all trifling blemishes of the face is but an added testimony and
guarantee of the fidelity of the portrait as a portrait of the inner as well as
of the outer man. Even a great painter may enhance his present popularity and
widen his clientele by a flattering suppression of personal disfigurement, but only
to the injury of his fame and the hurt of his own self-respect. John van Eyck
scorned to grovel at the feet of Vanity, and with this acknowledgment of the
sense and honesty of his sitters he combined the fulfilment of a duty to posterity, for with the true instinct of genius he knew that he
was painting not for his own brief day, but for all time, and that, as the
founder of a great school of portraiture and the father of landscape art, it behoved him to set an example of the cardinal principle
which should direct them. Under any conditions John van Eyck's genius must have
asserted itself, but happily it was fortunate in its setting, for the
brilliancy of the great Burgundian court and the
sumptuous patronage of Duke Philip in the full blaze of his power and glory
were invaluable aids to the production and dissemination of his art. Nor did
success spoil his sterling nature: amidst all the triumphs of his life his
character remained singularly free from the tarnish of empty pride, to the
last the exquisite yield of his art being given to the world in a charming
spirit of apology so aptly embodied in the simple motto of his choosing, "Als ich kan."
And who among all the great painters of the after ages has done better?
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